The National Situation
7 Feb. 2006, Manila Polo Club
By: Randy David
University of the Philippines
Good evening. Thank you for inviting me to
speak at this very interesting gathering. I am
happy to share this podium with former Sen. Gregorio Honasan.
I am quite certain that we were all brought
here tonight by more or less the same
circumstances and the same concerns. We have the
money to buy newspapers and watch the evening
news, and we have the time to reflect on the
information they report. It is almost natural
for us to worry about the direction our country
is taking. We worry for our families, and we
worry especially for the future of our children.
Unfortunately, the rest of our people, trapped
in the rigors of daily survival, are usually
unable to think beyond the next meal. They are
the thousands that line up every day, rain or
shine, outside TV stations, for the rare chance
to be chosen as contestants for the "Pera o
Bayong" portion of noontime game shows. They
were the faces of the hungry and the desperate at
the Ultra stampede last Saturday morning. They
too often gripe about the callousness of the
leadership of our country. But they do not have
the luxury of worrying about politics. And even
when they do, they feel powerless to influence
the course of events. They wait for elections,
and for the largesse it brings, and that about
sums up their political involvement.
Those who have the time to worry about politics
-- like many of us here tonight -- are basically
of two types: (a) those who ask in exasperation
when all this political bickering would end; and
(b) those who ask in exasperation when this presidency would end.
All over the country, forums like this are
being organized by thoughtful citizens. They ask
more or less the same questions: How will this
stalemate end? Whom can we trust? If she goes,
who will replace her? How do we solve our most
basic problems? How much time do we need to
reform our political system? Is there hope for
the country? These are important questions: they
belong to the realm of politics. But I will also
hasten to say that politics is not the only
attitude we can take towards the world.
Be that as it may, the forum tonight deals
with politics. I want to begin by defining the
function of politics in society. Politics is
society's way of producing collectively-binding
decisions. The important phrase here is
"collectively-binding decisions" decisions made
in the name of all of us, and therefore bind all
of us. Such decisions can be as innocuous as
changing the name of a provincial hospital or as
momentous as declaring war against another
country. They can be as high-profile as signing
a peace accord with local insurgents, or as
low-profile as floating new dollar-denominated
bonds in the international bond market to cover
maturing obligations and budget deficits. They
are of different levels of importance, but, when
made by government, they all equally bind us.
Politics is, in the first instance, the process
by which a nation or a community determines who
shall be entrusted with the making of such
decisions. There are at least two ways of
ensuring that decisions made in the name of the
whole nation are honored by every citizen of a country.
The first is by making sure that such decisions
are made only by persons or agencies that have a
clear mandate or the authority to make them. The
second is by making sure that such decisions are made in accordance with law.
Authority means legitimate power. Obviously,
not all power is legitimate. Usurpers may
exercise power, but their power is not
legitimate, and so it is resisted. Tyrants
assume power on the basis of force, and while
they may, for a while, coerce people into
submission, their power will always remain
unstable. Public officials elected fraudulently
may exercise power, but their power will
eventually be challenged. Legitimacy is crucial
to the operation of a system because it is
precisely what assures compliance with collective decisions.
Systems, of course, operate on the basis of a
presumption of legitimacy and regularity. That is
why, when there is a challenge to legitimacy and
regularity, the system has to act to dispel all
doubts. Illegitimate power has a corrosive
effect on the system, and no matter how much it
may try to buy support, or fortify the throne of
bayonets on which it sits, it will always be opposed.
The point I want to stress is that whatever the
form of politics may be in a society, its main
objective is the same how to ensure that
decisions made by the rulers are collectively-binding.
When rulers are perceived to have mandates
enveloped in doubt, the political system heats
up. Time that should be spent in governance --
in defining collective goals, in implementing
these goals and mobilizing public participation
towards their attainment is instead squandered
in endless political communication. Unable to
legitimize their rule by established means,
tyrants find themselves resorting to other means
to secure their hold on power. They may do this
by acts of selective remuneration, or by acts of
calibrated coercion. They may survive in the
short-term but only at great cost to the existing institutional order.
Keeping these thoughts in mind, I want to
examine the roots of the present political
crisis. I will argue that at the center of the
current crisis is the whole question of
presidential legitimacy that our institutional
order has failed to resolve up to this time.
Let's go back a bit and review what happened.
The doubts began to surface as early as May or
June 2004, as the legislators from the
administration and the opposition parties went
through the rituals of a national canvassing
process. The opposition repeatedly questioned
the authenticity of the certificates of canvass
or CoCs from some disputed provinces. In at
least 15 provinces they demanded that the boxes
containing the supporting statements of votes or
SoVs be opened to determine if the figures
matched those on the CoCs. The objections were
duly "noted", but not one ballot box was allowed
to be opened. The administration side argued
that canvassing was a ministerial task, and that
the proper venue for electoral protests involving
the presidency and the vice presidency was the
Supreme Court acting as Presidential Electoral Tribunal.
If this scene has a déjà vu ring to it, it is
because the use of a controlled majority to
override objections is very much reminiscent of
the railroaded canvassing process at the Batasang
Pambansa in the 1986 snap election. Like Cory's
supporters in 1986, FPJ's followers in 2004 saw
the futility of getting a reasonable hearing
inside Congress and demanded that the protest be
brought before the parliament of the
streets. The tide of mass protests led directly
to Edsa. That was how Cory Aquino became
president 20 years ago. To his credit, the late
FPJ dissuaded his followers from protesting in
the streets. He brought his complaint to the
Supreme Court, and paid the amount needed to
re-open the ballot boxes. Unfortunately he died
before even the first election return could be
counted. The justices promptly dismissed the
protest upon his death. There was only a
symbolic legal closure, but the political
question of who really won in the 2004 election remained unanswered.
By nature, political issues have a shelf life
of only a few months. After the Supreme Court
denied Susan Roces's petition to continue FPJ's
protest, the issue was buried and almost
forgotten. But five months later, in June 2005,
the issue of legitimacy returned with vengeance
following the public circulation of the Hello
Garci conversations if only as cell phone
ringbones at first. Malacanang was caught
totally unprepared. This showed in Press
Secretary and Presidential Spokesman Ignacio
Bunye's initial attempt at a cover-up that was so
clumsy and full of contradictions it was instantly disowned by the Palace.
The Garci Tapes contained more than a hundred
conversations between a Comelec official who
sounded very much like Commissioner Virgilio
Garcillano and an assortment of politicians and
political brokers. About 10 of these
conversations were between Garcillano and someone
with the inimitable voice of Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo. These conversations are
revealing and damning. They indicate the
existence of a conspiracy to manipulate the
results of the election in the vote-rich
provinces of Southern Mindanao. They strongly
suggest that Mrs. Arroyo herself seemed to have
full knowledge of the elaborate scheme to pad her
votes and shave those of her closest rival,
Fernando Poe Jr. Resourceful journalists have
scrutinized the content of these conversations,
marking out the names, places, and events
mentioned in the tapes, and establishing their
factual basis. The conclusion, as one Newsbreak
article so cogently put it, was: The shoe fits.
The first reaction from Malacanang was to
dismiss these conversations as clever
fabrications. Various agencies of government
tried to stop the spread of the tapes by
threatening people with charges for violation of
the Anti-Wiretapping Law. Yet on June 27, 2005,
bowing to public pressure, Mrs. Arroyo came out
on national television to apologize for what she
called a "lapse in judgment" for calling a
Comelec official while the canvassing was going
on. Her intention, she claimed, was not to cheat
but only to protect her votes. She said nothing
more about the tapes. In subsequent interviews
she evaded all questions about these wiretapped,
saying she was ready to face any impeachment
charge that would be filed against her.
The story of these tapes remains open. The man
who initially confessed to having taken them out
of the ISAFP, T. Sgt Vidal Doble, returned to the
custody of his unit in the ISAFP, and has since
denied having anything to do with the
tapes. While ISAFP is widely believed to have
performed the wiretap, no one has come out to
tell the full story. To this day, the ISAFP
insists it has no capability to wiretap cell phone conversations.
The central character in the wiretapped
conversations Commissioner Garcillano went
missing shortly after the scandal broke
out. Five months later, he reappeared,
accompanied by armed men who later turned out to
be local policemen. The police offered him
sanctuary while he waited to face the House
committees that were investigating him. The
account he gave in the House was one of studied
evasiveness. He admitted talking to GMA
once. This was not unusual, he said, because
other politicians, including those from the
opposition, also talked to him. But he could not
recall if the conversations caught in the Garci
tapes actually took place. He wasn't even sure
if that was his voice. He emphatically
maintained that he did not cheat for anyone,
least of all for the president. He went into
hiding, he said, because he felt that his life
was in danger. The investigation could squeeze
nothing from this foxy operator, who seemed to
feel at home in the company of the nation's politicians.
This is the first issue. It was so powerful it
brought out the first massive demonstrations
against Mrs. Arroyo. It triggered the
resignation of key members of her Cabinet, as
well as the withdrawal of support from key allies
like former president Aquino and Senate President
Franklin Drilon, as well as a section of the
influential Makati Business Club.
The start of the impeachment proceedings in
September brought the issue back to the legal
arena, where Mrs. Arroyo maintained a firm grip
on the loyalty of her congressional allies. The
impeachment complaints, as we all know, were
killed at the committee level, using
technicalities and parliamentary maneuvers that
relied on the power of the majority vote. The
substantive charges against Mrs. Arroyo were
never taken up. Again, only a symbolic closure
was achieved, and so the issue remains politically alive.
The second issue revolves around the partisan
involvement of key officials of the military in
the 2004 election. This is being investigated by
the committee of Sen. Rodolfo Biazon. The
purpose is clear-cut: To get to the bottom of the
wiretapping and the involvement of some generals
in the election in Mindanao. The investigation
opened with the revealing testimonies of Gen.
Gudane and Col. Balutan, both of whom were
sanctioned by the AFP for appearing before the
Senate without authority from their
superiors. The committee has hit a blank
wall. Military officials, citing EO 464 which
bars top government officials from appearing in
any congressional investigation without prior
permission from the president, have declined to
appear before any legislative hearing.
The third issue is the use of public funds to
finance the presidential campaign of Mrs.
Arroyo. Even during the campaign, the funding
for the PhilHealth cards that Mrs. Arroyo was
distributing in the course of her provincial
sorties had come under question. So too the
improper utilization of the Road Users Tax for
the emergency employment of street sweepers in
every barangay of the country just before the
2004 election. But the one investigation that
has yielded the most scandalous findings on the
misuse of public money for the presidential
campaign of Mrs. Arroyo is the hearing on the
so-called Fertilizer Fund being conducted by the
committee of Senator Jun Magsaysay. The P728
million fund is part of the almost P3 billion
fund of the so-called GMA Ginintuang Masaganang
Ani -- program. A significant portion of this
money appears to have been sourced from the
confiscated Marcos Swiss bank deposits. The
seized Marcos assets had been previously
earmarked by law for the agrarian reform
program. Except for the portion of 8 billion
pesos set aside for victims of human rights
violations, the rest of the Marcos money
amounting to about P27 billion appears to have
vanished into thin air sometime between 2004 and
2005. The admission made by Budget Secretary Neri
and officials from the Commission on Audit so
angered former Senator Jovito Salonga that last
January 30, he felt compelled to write Mrs.
Arroyo a letter. In that letter, Sen. Salonga
told Mrs. Arroyo: "We who do not seek any favor
from you are constrained to conclude that to
remain in power, you (1) prejudiced the welfare
of our poor, landless farmers and (2) ignored the
sacrifices of many persons who devoted all their
God-given resources in terms of time, energy,
effort and the little knowledge and talent so
they might help recover the more than 680 million
dollars from the Swiss Marcos deposits."
The one person who is expected to shed light on
the nature of the Fertilizer Fund, its sources
and its mode of disbursement, is former
Agriculture Usec. Jocelyn "Joc-joc" Bolante, a
known friend and associate of First Gentleman
Mike Arroyo. But, taking his cue from
Commissioner Garcillano, Bolante has also made himself scarce.
These three issues lie at the center of the current political crisis.
In stable societies, political questions like
these that challenge the basic legitimacy of
the sitting president are ultimately resolved
by election, or by acts of Congress or
Parliament, or they are referred back to the
legal and judicial system for further
investigation, prosecution, and
adjudication. But in young societies like ours
where the institutional spheres are not yet fully
differentiated legal institutions and
government agencies tend to be heavily
contaminated by partisan politics. This
compromises their independence. Instead of being
able to put an orderly closure to unresolved
political questions, these institutions are
dragged into the political arena and lose their
credibility. Consequently, legal issues are
re-politicized, and the whole process repeats
itself, leaving in its wake the debris of institutional wreckage.
Take a look at some of the major institutional
casualties in this unending political crisis
since Mrs. Arroyo succeeded to the presidency in 2001:
1. First there is the Supreme Court. Members
of the Court came to the Edsa Shrine at noontime
of Jan. 20, 2001 to administer the oath of office
to GMA, even before there was any clear
determination that a vacancy had occurred in the
office of the president. Without signing a
formal letter of resignation, Erap left
Malacanang at around 2:30 p.m. He later claimed
that he had not resigned but only taken a leave
of absence. A few weeks later, the same SC had
to adjudicate a case challenging the legality of
Mrs. Arroyo's assumption of the presidency. The
justices unanimously upheld the legality of Mrs.
Arroyo's accession to the presidency, but they
could not agree on the reasons. Many of the
justices were severely skeptical and critical of
the use of people power to effect a change in
government. The majority decision ruled that
Erap had resigned "constructively" a novel
concept that could not be easily explained to a perplexed public.
If it was quick to state its position on what
was clearly a very dynamic situation in January
2001, the Supreme Court seemed extremely hesitant
to intervene in 2005 when members of the House
committee investigating the impeachment charges
could not agree on the correct interpretation of
the phrase "impeachment proceeding" as found in
the 1987 Constitution. What constitutes an
impeachment proceeding? When is it deemed
initiated? If three impeachment complaints are
filed against the same public official for more
or less the same reasons within hours of one
another, would taking them up on the same day be
construed as initiating three separate
impeachment proceedings, and is therefore
prohibited? Twice, a lawyer asked the Supreme
Court to disallow the ruling coalition's absurd
interpretation of the constitutional provision
barring the initiation of impeachment proceedings
against the same public official more than once a
year. The Court said the question was
premature. Then it said nothing more on the
issue after the defective Lozano impeachment complaint was thrown out.
By the same token, the SC has so far failed to
rule on the constitutionality of the so-called
Calibrated Preventive Response policy (CPR) of
dealing with protest demonstrations, and of the
gag order contained in Executive Order 464.
2. Second, there is, of course, the Comelec
itself the one legal institution that the Cory
Aquino government in the post-Marcos years tried
very hard to rebuild so that its neutral and
professional character may be preserved. A
credible Comelec is the linchpin of a
representative democracy. Mrs. Arroyo has done
much to erode the Comelec's credibility by
appointing to it individuals of unsavory
reputation, not the least of whom is Atty
Virgilio Garcillano himself. The man had worked
his way up the Comelec bureaucracy, and gained a
reputation as somebody who has mastered the
electoral terrain of Mindanao. But another image
consistently stuck to him that of architect of
"dagdag-bawas." Thus, when he was appointed to
the Comelec as one of the commissioners barely 3
months before the 2004 election, no less than
former Comelec Chairman Christian Monsod appealed
to the president to withdraw his
appointment. The same plea was made by a victim
of dagdag-bawas Senator Nene Pimentel. But
Mrs. Arroyo would not be dissuaded. She was such
a firm believer in Garcillano's capabilities.
3. The third is the Armed Forces of the
Philippines. Outside of Marcos, no other
president perhaps has so brazenly enlisted the
services of key officials of the AFP for partisan
purposes than Mrs. Arroyo. Again, the Garci
Tapes are very incriminating. In one
conversation, Garci was complaining that the
cheating operations in some towns were very
crudely done because the ones who were assigned
to perform these tasks were inexperienced
soldiers. Several names of high-ranking officers
were mentioned in the tapes. By a strange
coincidence, except for Gudane who retired,
almost all of them were subsequently appointed to cushy positions in the AFP.
4. The fourth is the Ombudsman. This is a
constitutional office that is invested with the
power to initiate investigations and to prosecute
erring public officials. When the SC ruled that
the Comelec computerization project was illegal
and ordered Comelec to recover the money it had
paid, it also directed the Ombudsman to
investigate the culpability of the Commissioners
and to prosecute them. This has not happened, as
far as I know. The Ombudsman could also have
initiated the investigation of ISAFP's
(Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines) involvement in wiretapping. It
could have looked as well into the use of public
funds like the Road Users Tax and the Fertilizer
Fund for the election campaign of the
president. We have not seen any such
initiative. One wonders if the people at the
center of all these controversies know something
we don't when they bravely challenge their
accusers to sue them in court and file the necessary charges.
Somebody I think it is Sen. Kiko Pangilinan
recently filed a bill calling for the creation of
a powerful office of an American-style
Independent Counsel, that would have the
authority to mobilize agencies and offices of
government to put together a case against
accountable public officials. Maybe if we can
find enough Kenneth Starrs in our midst who would
not be deterred by the powerful, there might be a
reason for this bill. But I am not certain if
this is the right answer to the dysfunctionality of our institutions.
Let me re-state my basic thesis here. THE CRUX
OF THE PRESENT CRISIS consists in the fact that
the institutions in the political and the legal
systems of our society have failed to arrive at a
reasonable closure of the issues thrust upon
them. The crisis of legitimacy of Ms Arroyo has
led to a questioning of all her decisions and
actions. Her stonewalling on a number of
important questions the use of gag orders and
of diversionary tactics like charter change has
led to a generalized crisis of credibility. This
has spawned more issues than the political system
can handle at any given time without
overheating. It is interesting that the economy
seems to be faring well in comparison. The
crisis of the political system may remain
isolated for a time, but it may eventually engulf
the whole system. It is difficult to say how
long the system can bear the pressure from one of its parts.
What seems clear at this point is that:
- More and more people are demanding
either an end to all bickering or the outright removal of Mrs. Arroyo.
- More and more people are losing faith
in the system's capacity to resolve political
questions within the bounds of the Constitution.
- More and more people are disenchanted
not only with the present administration but also
with the political opposition. They are turning
to the Armed Forces and asking them to intervene.
Having gone through two people power upheavals,
our people are not unfamiliar with extra-legal
solutions involving both military and people
power interventions. They see people power as
the Filipino way of compensating for the
inadequacies of our institutions, even as they
are fully aware of the many problems it spawns.
WHAT IS TO BE DONE?
What is to be done or how we should respond to
the crisis is a function of how we look at the
situation. The Catholic Bishops Conference of
the Philippines (CBCP) explains the crisis as the
result of the erosion of our moral values. The
bishops are calling for a renewal of our public
life. This is a long-term process, and one can
understand why our religious leaders have couched
the problem in specifically moral terms, even as
they are conscious of not overstepping the bounds
of their authority. The bishops insist that the
solution can come from the relentless pursuit of
the truth by the community as a whole.
My own view is quite different from that of the
bishops. Like them, I believe that our public
values have changed. But, unlike them, I believe
that they have changed not necessarily for the
worse. On the contrary, I believe that the
crisis in our political life arises precisely
from the growing refusal of many ordinary
Filipinos from all classes to tolerate patronage,
fraud, political bossism, corruption, and
misgovernance of our public life. The ruling
classes of our country the ones who are used to
cynical wheeling and dealing, to corruption, to
intimidation, and the exploitation of mass
ignorance and dependence are beginning to
discover that they can no longer rule in the old
way. Every election year they find that they have
to cheat harder in order to get elected.
Politicians like Ms. Arroyo cannot seem to
understand why cheating in elections has become
so suddenly wrong, or why taking kickbacks from
government contracts and pork barrel projects is
suddenly frowned upon. They wake up one morning,
and they discover to their dismay that our people
are demanding better government. On more than
one occasion, Mrs. Arroyo candidly lamented the
degeneration of our political system. It has
become such, she said, that one cannot embark on
a political career and expect to emerge from it
with clean hands. "He who is without sin," she
says quoting from the Bible, "cast the first stone."
Mrs. Arroyo must have been so blinded by
ambition that she failed to read what the
placards of the young people who trooped to Edsa
in January 2001 were saying: Good
government. Accountable government. Competent
government. They did not go to Edsa because they
loved GMA; they went to Edsa because they thought
they deserved a president they could admire, one
who could properly discharge the responsibilities
of a young aspiring modern nation in a complex world.
In their attempt to appease the public, the old
dying class led by GMA, FVR, and Jose de Venecia
are offering to change the form of government,
little realizing that the people have moved one
notch higher. They now demand a replacement of
the whole political class itself. Only now, I
think, are the politicians beginning to realize
that the public is not just seeking to change the
form of government, or just to overthrow Gloria
Macapagal Arroyo and replace her with the
Opposition. Filipinos want a whole new set of
leaders, imbued with a whole new set of values
and capabilities. They want a new nation
equipped for survival in a globalized world they are just starting to discover.
Am I painting a fictional image of Filipino
consciousness? I do not think so. If our
political values had not improved, we would not
have this crisis. We would allow the politicians
to talk it over among themselves, to strike a
modus vivendi (what trapos call a "win-win"
solution) that would benefit every individual
politician in the country. The rest of us,
ordinary citizens, would all retreat into our
homes and perhaps amuse ourselves by their
antics. But no, more and more of us are
staunchly refusing to let our country to be run
by the same breed of cynical politicians.
Our people are better educated today. They are
more connected to the outside world. They know
how other societies work. They have seen more of
the world than the generation of their
parents. And, let us not forget, you cannot send
out more than 10% of your mature population to
live and work in other societies, and expect them
to remain unchanged in the way they think of the
responsibilities of government. What they bring
home from abroad are not just remittances; they
usually bring back with them a new consciousness
of what societies can be like when they are better run.
Politics is basically an arena of
communication. Our political system today is
more complex: it is no longer dominated by
traditional political parties. There are new
voices that are making themselves heard from
the social movements, the non-government
organizations, people's organization, etc. Edsa
I and Edsa II are symptomatic of the emergence of
an educated population that no longer feels bound
by traditional political rules. If we look
closely, we may see Edsa I and II as
manifestations of a middle class political
impatience never seen before in our
country. These events are guided by a vision of
modernity that however needs to be enriched by social justice.
How to bring this vision about is the big
question. I believe that as a long-range vision,
it is not necessarily hitched to any political project.
All over the country, people are meeting and
talking in forums like this. The vision of a new
nation is taking shape in these meetings. We are
already living in a post-Gloria era. Gloria is
history. The reign of the trapos is coming to an end.
How Mrs. Arroyo will eventually go and when, is
probably only a small footnote now in these
discussions. Whether it is by a snap election,
or by people power in combination with a military
mutiny is perhaps no longer the important
question. The question that people are asking
is: Who will replace her? But, I do not take
that to mean a simple search for alternative
faces. I take that to mean: What kind of agenda
for national renewal will bring us forward? What
are our basic and urgent tasks as a people? If
we take care of the agenda, I believe the right faces will come forward.
I would like to end by advancing four basic
tasks that I have heard repeatedly in various fora:
First, to end the scourge of absolute poverty
once and for all, no matter what it takes. The
stampede of the poor in Ultra is only a grim
reminder of this unjust reality we must all help to end.
Second, to educate everyone of our people,
especially the young, in order to equip them for
living in a highly competitive world.
Third, to rebuild the physical infrastructure
of our country, and to protect its environment from long-term damage.
And lastly, to create stable institutions
appropriate to a complex and modern society -- in
a climate of freedom, tolerance, and openness.
If we remain focused and committed to such an
agenda of necessary transformation, I have every
reason to believe that the search for new leaders
will take care of itself. The quest for change
will spawn new political formations and new political parties.
Having said that, I will hasten to add that it
would be a mistake to think that one needs to be
a politician to be able to contribute to the realization of these urgent tasks.
Thursday, February 09, 2006
Wednesday, February 08, 2006
EDITORYAL - Maraming walang trabaho
Ang Pilipino STAR Ngayon
AYON sa National Statistics Office (NSO) tinatayang nasa 2.6 milyong Pinoy ang walang trabaho. At patuloy na lumalaki ang bilang sapagkat araw-araw ay marami ang nawawalan ng trabaho. Ayon sa Katipunan ng Damayang Mahihirap (Kadamay) tinatayang 350 katao ang naile-laid off sa kanilang trabaho araw-araw. Kaya ang tantiya ng Kadamay, hindi lamang 2.6 ang walang trabaho ngayon kundi 4.8 million. Pinagbatayan ng Kadamay ang pag-aaral na sinagawa ng Ecumenical Institute for Labor Education and Research.
Maaaring may katotohanan ang sinabi ng Kadamay na baka umabot sa 4.8 million ang walang trabaho. Isang magandang halimbawa na maraming walang trabaho sa kasalukuyan ay ang pagdagsa ng mga tao para sumali sa mga game shows sa telebisyon. Maraming pumipila sa mga programang may game portion kung saan malalaking pera ang maaaring panalunan. Dahil sa kawalan ng trabaho marami ang nakikipagsapalaran sa mga game of chance. Baka nga naman makatsamba. Baka nga naman makasuwerte.
Bukod sa maraming walang trabaho, marami rin ang walang sariling bahay at lupa. Kaya naman kapag ang papremyo ay milyong piso at may kasama pang bahay at lupa, marami ang humahangos para pumila. Hindi na nila iniintindi kung mainit ang panahon o bumabagyo, ang gusto nila’y makasali sa game show at baka palaring manalo. Kapag nanalo, tapos na ang kanilang paghihirap at maliligtasan na ang kalbaryo.
Ang katotohanan ay nakita nang dumagsa ang libong tao sa ULTRA noong Sabado para makasali sa game show ng Wowowee. Tiyak na marami sa mga dumagsa roon ang walang trabaho o kung mayroon man nagbabakasali pa ring makatsamba. Hindi napigilan ang mga taong nagnanais na makasali sa game show. Sino ba naman ang hindi maglalaway sa P1 milyon, house and lot, passenger jeepney at marami pang iba.
Nagiba ang harang na bakal dahil sa bigat nang magtulakan ang mga taong gustong makapasok sa loob at makakuha ng tiket. Dahil palusong, marami ang natumba at nagsimula na ang trahedya. Nang matapos ang kaguluhan, nakalatag na ang mga bangkay. Naging kalunus-lunos ang iyakan.
Marami ang nagsabi na kaya sila naroon ay nagbabakasakaling manalo sapagkat wala silang trabaho at bahay. May nagsabing hirap na hirap sila sa buhay at umaasang mananalo sa gameshow.
AYON sa National Statistics Office (NSO) tinatayang nasa 2.6 milyong Pinoy ang walang trabaho. At patuloy na lumalaki ang bilang sapagkat araw-araw ay marami ang nawawalan ng trabaho. Ayon sa Katipunan ng Damayang Mahihirap (Kadamay) tinatayang 350 katao ang naile-laid off sa kanilang trabaho araw-araw. Kaya ang tantiya ng Kadamay, hindi lamang 2.6 ang walang trabaho ngayon kundi 4.8 million. Pinagbatayan ng Kadamay ang pag-aaral na sinagawa ng Ecumenical Institute for Labor Education and Research.
Maaaring may katotohanan ang sinabi ng Kadamay na baka umabot sa 4.8 million ang walang trabaho. Isang magandang halimbawa na maraming walang trabaho sa kasalukuyan ay ang pagdagsa ng mga tao para sumali sa mga game shows sa telebisyon. Maraming pumipila sa mga programang may game portion kung saan malalaking pera ang maaaring panalunan. Dahil sa kawalan ng trabaho marami ang nakikipagsapalaran sa mga game of chance. Baka nga naman makatsamba. Baka nga naman makasuwerte.
Bukod sa maraming walang trabaho, marami rin ang walang sariling bahay at lupa. Kaya naman kapag ang papremyo ay milyong piso at may kasama pang bahay at lupa, marami ang humahangos para pumila. Hindi na nila iniintindi kung mainit ang panahon o bumabagyo, ang gusto nila’y makasali sa game show at baka palaring manalo. Kapag nanalo, tapos na ang kanilang paghihirap at maliligtasan na ang kalbaryo.
Ang katotohanan ay nakita nang dumagsa ang libong tao sa ULTRA noong Sabado para makasali sa game show ng Wowowee. Tiyak na marami sa mga dumagsa roon ang walang trabaho o kung mayroon man nagbabakasali pa ring makatsamba. Hindi napigilan ang mga taong nagnanais na makasali sa game show. Sino ba naman ang hindi maglalaway sa P1 milyon, house and lot, passenger jeepney at marami pang iba.
Nagiba ang harang na bakal dahil sa bigat nang magtulakan ang mga taong gustong makapasok sa loob at makakuha ng tiket. Dahil palusong, marami ang natumba at nagsimula na ang trahedya. Nang matapos ang kaguluhan, nakalatag na ang mga bangkay. Naging kalunus-lunos ang iyakan.
Marami ang nagsabi na kaya sila naroon ay nagbabakasakaling manalo sapagkat wala silang trabaho at bahay. May nagsabing hirap na hirap sila sa buhay at umaasang mananalo sa gameshow.
Monday, February 06, 2006
Sounding Board : A parliamentary system?
By Fr. Joaquin G. Bernas, S.J.
Inquirer
WHAT WILL THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM look like if the Senate blockade is broken through? Let us take a quick look. My comments will be based on the draft being debated by the Committee on Constitutional Amendments of the House of Representatives.
In a nutshell, the picture the draft paints is of a chief executive much stronger than the current President; a Parliament that can be dissolved by the prime minister; and a weaker Supreme Court.
The prominent figures in the proposed system are the Parliament, the prime minister, the Cabinet and a powerless president.
The desired Parliament will be unicameral. This is no surprise. The popular mantra says that two houses of equal strength breed gridlocks.
Parliament will be composed of as many members as the law will provide; and as in the current House, 20 percent of its members will be party-list representatives. What this means is that the party-list system remains tentative and experimental. Expect a thickly populated Parliament, however. The total number of its members can mean that it will be more expensive to maintain than the present bicameral Congress.
The term of members of Parliament (MPs) will be five years, with no limit on reelection. In case parliament is dissolved, the new members will serve only for the unexpired term of their predecessors.
The sessions, the legislative procedure, and the limitations and disqualifications are the same as in the current Congress. Ironically, as in the 1973 version, the prime minister can veto bills passed by his or her creator and lord, the Parliament.
There will be a "question hour" where the prime minister and ministers can be grilled and roasted to taste. This should take care of the gag rule in EO 464.
The MPs elect the prime minister from among themselves and may oust the prime minister by a no-confidence vote. The ouster takes effect when a new prime minister is elected.
There will also be an Electoral Tribunal, which will be the sole judge of election contests, a Committee on Impeachment which will act as the prosecutor in impeachments, and a Commission on Appointments. The Parliament will be the sole judge of impeachments.
The Cabinet members will be chosen from Parliament.
What of the president? He is the head of state, largely ceremonial, and is more like a grandfather figure or the Queen of England. He must be at least 50 years old. He is elected by Parliament from among themselves, or from outside if no one among the MPs is queenly enough. He has a term of five years but he may be removed by impeachment. Upon being elected president, he must resign from the Parliament and from his political party. It is hoped that thus he will be able to reign serenely.
As with all new constitutions, there will be Transitory Provisions. What are the highlights?
Once the new constitution is ratified, the Senate and the House will be joined in a forced wedlock to form the Interim Parliament. The term of the members will last until June 30, 2007 except for the current senators who were elected in 2004. The latter will stay until June 30, 2010. The vice president will likewise become a member of the Interim Parliament until June 30, 2010. However, in the plebiscite for the ratification of the new Constitution, the people will have the option to postpone all elections until the second Monday of May 2010. Then it will be No-El redivivus.
How will the current President fit? Nicely, hand in iron glove. "From the ratification of the foregoing Amendments to June 30, 2010, the incumbent President shall continue to exercise the same powers as she has now, except those she will delegate to the Prime Minister who shall serve as chief operating officer of the government, conformably with the parliamentary system."
But that does not say it all about the incumbent President. While the provision says that the incumbent President will have all the powers she has now, in fact she will have more, because some of the limitations on her powers today will be removed.
To start with, the limitations on the commander-in-chief powers carefully elaborated in the 1987 Constitution will be removed. In effect, the proposal will resurrect the vast powers exercised by President Marcos, which powers were upheld by the martial law Court and overruled by the 1987 Constitution.
Next, the prohibition of the appointment of the President's spouse and close relatives to key government positions will be removed.
Gone, too, will be the prohibition of appointments two months immediately preceding an election.
Likewise, gone will be the need for the Monetary Board's concurrence before the President can contract or guarantee foreign loans.
The appointing authority will also be enhanced by the proposal that the confirmation of promotions in the military will be required only for the ranks of brigadier general and commodore. The President then will be able to appoint colonels and naval captains without need of confirmation.
The President's treaty powers will also be enhanced by the removal of the prohibition of the presence of foreign military forces.
And when she calls a special session, she will be able to specify what subjects the Parliament may take up.
The Chief Executive will also have greater leeway in the handling of public funds because, in the use of discretionary funds and leftovers from special funds, there are no constitutional rules.
Can she be removed by a no-confidence vote? Parliament can try. But she will have the power to dissolve Parliament. And the Supreme Court is being stripped of the power to determine whether she has gravely abused her discretion. Long live a strong Republic!
Inquirer
WHAT WILL THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM look like if the Senate blockade is broken through? Let us take a quick look. My comments will be based on the draft being debated by the Committee on Constitutional Amendments of the House of Representatives.
In a nutshell, the picture the draft paints is of a chief executive much stronger than the current President; a Parliament that can be dissolved by the prime minister; and a weaker Supreme Court.
The prominent figures in the proposed system are the Parliament, the prime minister, the Cabinet and a powerless president.
The desired Parliament will be unicameral. This is no surprise. The popular mantra says that two houses of equal strength breed gridlocks.
Parliament will be composed of as many members as the law will provide; and as in the current House, 20 percent of its members will be party-list representatives. What this means is that the party-list system remains tentative and experimental. Expect a thickly populated Parliament, however. The total number of its members can mean that it will be more expensive to maintain than the present bicameral Congress.
The term of members of Parliament (MPs) will be five years, with no limit on reelection. In case parliament is dissolved, the new members will serve only for the unexpired term of their predecessors.
The sessions, the legislative procedure, and the limitations and disqualifications are the same as in the current Congress. Ironically, as in the 1973 version, the prime minister can veto bills passed by his or her creator and lord, the Parliament.
There will be a "question hour" where the prime minister and ministers can be grilled and roasted to taste. This should take care of the gag rule in EO 464.
The MPs elect the prime minister from among themselves and may oust the prime minister by a no-confidence vote. The ouster takes effect when a new prime minister is elected.
There will also be an Electoral Tribunal, which will be the sole judge of election contests, a Committee on Impeachment which will act as the prosecutor in impeachments, and a Commission on Appointments. The Parliament will be the sole judge of impeachments.
The Cabinet members will be chosen from Parliament.
What of the president? He is the head of state, largely ceremonial, and is more like a grandfather figure or the Queen of England. He must be at least 50 years old. He is elected by Parliament from among themselves, or from outside if no one among the MPs is queenly enough. He has a term of five years but he may be removed by impeachment. Upon being elected president, he must resign from the Parliament and from his political party. It is hoped that thus he will be able to reign serenely.
As with all new constitutions, there will be Transitory Provisions. What are the highlights?
Once the new constitution is ratified, the Senate and the House will be joined in a forced wedlock to form the Interim Parliament. The term of the members will last until June 30, 2007 except for the current senators who were elected in 2004. The latter will stay until June 30, 2010. The vice president will likewise become a member of the Interim Parliament until June 30, 2010. However, in the plebiscite for the ratification of the new Constitution, the people will have the option to postpone all elections until the second Monday of May 2010. Then it will be No-El redivivus.
How will the current President fit? Nicely, hand in iron glove. "From the ratification of the foregoing Amendments to June 30, 2010, the incumbent President shall continue to exercise the same powers as she has now, except those she will delegate to the Prime Minister who shall serve as chief operating officer of the government, conformably with the parliamentary system."
But that does not say it all about the incumbent President. While the provision says that the incumbent President will have all the powers she has now, in fact she will have more, because some of the limitations on her powers today will be removed.
To start with, the limitations on the commander-in-chief powers carefully elaborated in the 1987 Constitution will be removed. In effect, the proposal will resurrect the vast powers exercised by President Marcos, which powers were upheld by the martial law Court and overruled by the 1987 Constitution.
Next, the prohibition of the appointment of the President's spouse and close relatives to key government positions will be removed.
Gone, too, will be the prohibition of appointments two months immediately preceding an election.
Likewise, gone will be the need for the Monetary Board's concurrence before the President can contract or guarantee foreign loans.
The appointing authority will also be enhanced by the proposal that the confirmation of promotions in the military will be required only for the ranks of brigadier general and commodore. The President then will be able to appoint colonels and naval captains without need of confirmation.
The President's treaty powers will also be enhanced by the removal of the prohibition of the presence of foreign military forces.
And when she calls a special session, she will be able to specify what subjects the Parliament may take up.
The Chief Executive will also have greater leeway in the handling of public funds because, in the use of discretionary funds and leftovers from special funds, there are no constitutional rules.
Can she be removed by a no-confidence vote? Parliament can try. But she will have the power to dissolve Parliament. And the Supreme Court is being stripped of the power to determine whether she has gravely abused her discretion. Long live a strong Republic!
Gloria: A wakeup call to fight poverty
Stampede probers find security lapses
PRESIDENT Arroyo yesterday said the stampede Saturday in Pasig, which killed 74 people among thousands who flocked to the Philsports arena (formerly ULTRA) for a popular TV show that is giving away cash and prizes, should serve as a wakeup call for everyone to work together in addressing poverty.
"The extent and implications of this tragedy have struck and shocked the whole nation. As we grieve with the families of the victims, let us not forget the compelling circumstances that led to this tragedy. Let us commit ourselves to end despair and raise hope, by joining hands and working together to fight abject poverty," she said.
Arroyo assured the victims and their relatives that justice would be served and those responsible for the incident would be made to pay for their "negligence or misdeeds."
"We must all work together to make sure that such a meaningless tragedy never happens again," she added.
A body asked to investigate the stampede started its probe yesterday and initially found lapses in security measures on the part of the ABS-CBN network which airs the noontime show "Wowowee."
The first anniversary show was cancelled following the stampede that occurred around 6 a.m.
Aside from the 74 fatalities, around 400 were injured.
Authorities estimated the crowd at 25,000 to 30,000. The Philsports has a seating capacity of around 10,000.
Witnesses said chaos broke out when a barricade collapsed as people were being let into the stadium, causing guards to panic and slam shut the gate as the crowd pressed forward.
Director Vidal Querol, Metro Manila police chief, said once people began stumbling on the slope, "they fell like dominoes."
Thousands of fans, most of them poor and from the provinces, had camped out for days for a chance at the show’s usual jackpot of P1 million and special prizes of a car and a house and lot
Senate minority leader Aquilino Pimentel Jr. said the tragedy reflects the desperation of the great masses of Filipinos to reap instant fortune and escape from grinding poverty.
"The loss of lives and the injuries sustained by scores of others clearly belie the administration’s claim that the economy is in good shape. People would not risk being crushed to death if times were good," he said.
Pimentel said the tragedy should remind government that poverty cannot be licked for as long as scarce resources intended for economic development and job-generating enterprises are dissipated through corrupt practices, and mismanagement.
Rep. Edcel Lagman said "grinding poverty" drives millions to hitch their fortune to chance.
"The long queues of eager participants waiting to join television game shows manifest a culture of luck as balm for want and despair. The death of scores of expectant winners… is a timely and grim reminder for government to prioritize poverty alleviation and sustainable human development," he said.
Caloocan Bishop Deogracias Iñiguez said poverty and the Filipinos’ love for game shows are some of the main reasons why people flocked to Philsports.
"Alam naman natin kung ano ang hatak din ng popularity ng entertainment. They would try to get in to see their favorite entertainers," he said.
"Poverty, yes, it was a strong factor as there was lot at stake for the people that would make it inside ULTRA as they would be given a chance to win millions but it is just one of the many factors," he said.
He also said that the tragedy would have been prevented with better crowd control.
Arroyo ordered the interior department and the PNP to review the protocol on crowd control and on coordination with local government units and event organizers.
She also ordered the social welfare department to identify and assist the families affected by the stampede as she appealed "for coordinated and unified support from the private sector to get these families back on their feet."
Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita said it was unfair to blame the administration for the incident or even for the poverty that may have driven some people to take their chances in the prizes offered by a TV program.
"Maidagdag ko, ibig sabihin kunwari dun sa kaguluhan sa Nazareno (feast of the Black Nazarene in Quiapo, Manila). Pagka-nagkagulo dun at marami namatay, you will blame the government because of the poverty?" he said.
Presidential adviser for political affairs Gabriel Claudio said some groups are dragging government in the tragedy further their personal agenda.
"It is the height of callousness and irresponsibility to try to politicize this tragedy. Napakalayo ng gobyerno sa sirkumstansya ng pangyayari sa ULTRA. The accusation is completely irrational. Government critics should not take advantage of this tragedy to advance their political agenda. It’s simply indecent," he said.
Claudio appealed for the unity that Filipinos showed when they supported and prayed for boxer Manny Pacquiao in his fight last month with Mexican Erik Morales in Las Vegas.
"Let us use the same unity to help those who lost their loved ones as well as those who were injured, and together let us fortify our resolve and capabilities to ensure that no such tragedy befalls our countrymen again," he said.
Marius Corpuz, interior undersecretary for peace and order, said the fact-finding body was not intended to find whatever criminal liability ABS-CBN may have but rather to come up with remedial measures to avoid similar incidents.
"Hindi kami ang magpi-pinpoint, it will be the DOJ. We will not say anything na ito kailangang idemanda criminally. We will just submit our findings to the DOJ and, of course, together with the remedial measures that we think should be done to avoid a repetition of the incident. I cannot speculate at this time kung ano and what kind of offense, much more the penalty," he said.
One of Corpuz’s observations was that it was the first time that the "LRP entrance gate " of Philsports arena was used to accommodate people. It was meant to be a vehicular entrance or exit.
"So now as to why they decided to use that for pedestrian entrance, that’s what we have to ask them kasi ang sabi nung taga-ULTRA ang nag-decide nun ay yung taga ABS-CBN," Corpuz said.
Second,ABS-CBN show organizers failed to invite representatives from the PNP or the Metro Manila Development Authority during three coordinating conferences with the arena’s management, the last of which was held Friday night, he said.
Corpuz said since the ABS-CBN management and Philsports officials met without the PNP, it was agreed upon that the TV network would be in charge on the perimeter security, while Philsports would be responsible for security inside.
Third, Corpuz said the main stadium, which was to be used as the main show venue, was already packed with at least 6,500 people or at least three fourths of its total capacity even as the main gates were supposed to be opened at around 6 a.m. Saturday.
Fourth, Corpuz said the ABS-CBN organizers should have decided to look for another venue other than the ULTRA since the main stadium has a seating capacity of 9,000, the open bleacher section can accommodate another 8,000, while a lower bleacher section of Ultra can seat another 2,000.
Chief Supt. Oscar Valenzuela, chief of the Eastern Police District, said no further coordination was made with the Pasig City police after a show staff handed over a request for police assistance.
Rene Luspo, ABS-CBN assistant vice president for security, was the first resource person to be grilled by members of the fact-finding board at the DILG main conference room in Quezon City.
Luspo said the LRP gate, which was on Capt. Javier street, was the "most logical" entrance because it leads to the open bleacher section even if it has a 30-degree downward slope with an entrance measuring between 10 and 12 feet wide.
"It is the most logical entrance since there was no other gate to be used," he said.
Luspo said he expected about 25,000 to show up, based on the average 5,000 people coming to watch the show live Mondays to Saturdays.
He said the "overspill crowd" or those who were outside the steel barricades they had set up started to push their way in for fear that they might not be accommodated.
He said those inside the steel barricades had been there for the past days. They were mostly women, elderly, and those carrying children.
He said he deployed 12 guards at the entrance gates where the stampede occurred.
Luspo said he assumed that since Senior Supt. Raul Medina, Pasig City police chief, deployed 83 policemen, 50 district mobile force men, 25 traffic enforcers, 20 barangay tanod, and a number rescue teams, the police should know how to react in situations like a stampede.
"If you are facing a siksikan crowd, we can see the results, but we cannot really see how it started," Luspo said.
Luspo said they had requested the Pasig government to allow them to use an open space at the Capitol site where they could accommodate 10,000 people, but it was turned down because Pasig authorities feared the crowd could not be controlled.
The Pasig government later on agreed that the Capitol site open space could be used as a parking area. He said that as early as Monday (January 30) he visited the area where he said some 1,000 people had already gathered.
He said the crowd increased by the day until it reached 10,000 Friday evening when they had the emergency meeting with Ultra officials.
He said they deployed 107 ABS-CBN security personnel as early as Thursday night –23 along Captain Javier street, 77 along St. Martin street, four inside Ultra, and the rest at the perimeter.
Ultra management said they placed six male and female guards at the Capt. Javier street entrance to frisk studio guests.
Luspo said he did not have a written copy of his contingency plan.
"The planning doesn’t have to be in writing most of the time. We just sit down consider options, and decide," Luspo said.
He said the ABS-CBN guards were in charge of crowd control outside and led people to the proper entrance gates.
He said he was not personally present at the Captain Javier entrance but was at the St. Martin side "because in my assessment it was more critical because of the wide opening."
He said they tried to persuade people to calm down and explained the limited seating capacity, but their pleas apparently fell on deaf ears.
He said ABS-CBN and ULTRA officials agreed to open the gates at 5 a.m. instead of 6 a.m. but the Ultra guards were not yet prepared to open the gates as they were still holding a briefing.
"The idea was to relieve the pressure pero hindi pa nagbukas ng maaga kasi they (ULTRA) were not able to post their guards," he said.
Next to take the testify was Marilou Almaden, Wowowee production manager, who said the crowd began to swell at past midnight Saturday.
She said they tried to urge the crowd not be rowdy because 40 of those who could be accommodated would have a chance to win P5,000 cash raffle prizes.
She said that during the emergency meeting Friday night, she requested Ultra management to open the gates an hour earlier or at 5 a.m.
But between 3 and 4 a.m., the crowd grew bigger.
Almaden said they considered transferring the show to the Araneta Coliseum but there was no time to complete preparations. – Jocelyn Montemayor, Raymond Africa, Francis Cueto (Malaya) and Reuters
PRESIDENT Arroyo yesterday said the stampede Saturday in Pasig, which killed 74 people among thousands who flocked to the Philsports arena (formerly ULTRA) for a popular TV show that is giving away cash and prizes, should serve as a wakeup call for everyone to work together in addressing poverty.
"The extent and implications of this tragedy have struck and shocked the whole nation. As we grieve with the families of the victims, let us not forget the compelling circumstances that led to this tragedy. Let us commit ourselves to end despair and raise hope, by joining hands and working together to fight abject poverty," she said.
Arroyo assured the victims and their relatives that justice would be served and those responsible for the incident would be made to pay for their "negligence or misdeeds."
"We must all work together to make sure that such a meaningless tragedy never happens again," she added.
A body asked to investigate the stampede started its probe yesterday and initially found lapses in security measures on the part of the ABS-CBN network which airs the noontime show "Wowowee."
The first anniversary show was cancelled following the stampede that occurred around 6 a.m.
Aside from the 74 fatalities, around 400 were injured.
Authorities estimated the crowd at 25,000 to 30,000. The Philsports has a seating capacity of around 10,000.
Witnesses said chaos broke out when a barricade collapsed as people were being let into the stadium, causing guards to panic and slam shut the gate as the crowd pressed forward.
Director Vidal Querol, Metro Manila police chief, said once people began stumbling on the slope, "they fell like dominoes."
Thousands of fans, most of them poor and from the provinces, had camped out for days for a chance at the show’s usual jackpot of P1 million and special prizes of a car and a house and lot
Senate minority leader Aquilino Pimentel Jr. said the tragedy reflects the desperation of the great masses of Filipinos to reap instant fortune and escape from grinding poverty.
"The loss of lives and the injuries sustained by scores of others clearly belie the administration’s claim that the economy is in good shape. People would not risk being crushed to death if times were good," he said.
Pimentel said the tragedy should remind government that poverty cannot be licked for as long as scarce resources intended for economic development and job-generating enterprises are dissipated through corrupt practices, and mismanagement.
Rep. Edcel Lagman said "grinding poverty" drives millions to hitch their fortune to chance.
"The long queues of eager participants waiting to join television game shows manifest a culture of luck as balm for want and despair. The death of scores of expectant winners… is a timely and grim reminder for government to prioritize poverty alleviation and sustainable human development," he said.
Caloocan Bishop Deogracias Iñiguez said poverty and the Filipinos’ love for game shows are some of the main reasons why people flocked to Philsports.
"Alam naman natin kung ano ang hatak din ng popularity ng entertainment. They would try to get in to see their favorite entertainers," he said.
"Poverty, yes, it was a strong factor as there was lot at stake for the people that would make it inside ULTRA as they would be given a chance to win millions but it is just one of the many factors," he said.
He also said that the tragedy would have been prevented with better crowd control.
Arroyo ordered the interior department and the PNP to review the protocol on crowd control and on coordination with local government units and event organizers.
She also ordered the social welfare department to identify and assist the families affected by the stampede as she appealed "for coordinated and unified support from the private sector to get these families back on their feet."
Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita said it was unfair to blame the administration for the incident or even for the poverty that may have driven some people to take their chances in the prizes offered by a TV program.
"Maidagdag ko, ibig sabihin kunwari dun sa kaguluhan sa Nazareno (feast of the Black Nazarene in Quiapo, Manila). Pagka-nagkagulo dun at marami namatay, you will blame the government because of the poverty?" he said.
Presidential adviser for political affairs Gabriel Claudio said some groups are dragging government in the tragedy further their personal agenda.
"It is the height of callousness and irresponsibility to try to politicize this tragedy. Napakalayo ng gobyerno sa sirkumstansya ng pangyayari sa ULTRA. The accusation is completely irrational. Government critics should not take advantage of this tragedy to advance their political agenda. It’s simply indecent," he said.
Claudio appealed for the unity that Filipinos showed when they supported and prayed for boxer Manny Pacquiao in his fight last month with Mexican Erik Morales in Las Vegas.
"Let us use the same unity to help those who lost their loved ones as well as those who were injured, and together let us fortify our resolve and capabilities to ensure that no such tragedy befalls our countrymen again," he said.
Marius Corpuz, interior undersecretary for peace and order, said the fact-finding body was not intended to find whatever criminal liability ABS-CBN may have but rather to come up with remedial measures to avoid similar incidents.
"Hindi kami ang magpi-pinpoint, it will be the DOJ. We will not say anything na ito kailangang idemanda criminally. We will just submit our findings to the DOJ and, of course, together with the remedial measures that we think should be done to avoid a repetition of the incident. I cannot speculate at this time kung ano and what kind of offense, much more the penalty," he said.
One of Corpuz’s observations was that it was the first time that the "LRP entrance gate " of Philsports arena was used to accommodate people. It was meant to be a vehicular entrance or exit.
"So now as to why they decided to use that for pedestrian entrance, that’s what we have to ask them kasi ang sabi nung taga-ULTRA ang nag-decide nun ay yung taga ABS-CBN," Corpuz said.
Second,ABS-CBN show organizers failed to invite representatives from the PNP or the Metro Manila Development Authority during three coordinating conferences with the arena’s management, the last of which was held Friday night, he said.
Corpuz said since the ABS-CBN management and Philsports officials met without the PNP, it was agreed upon that the TV network would be in charge on the perimeter security, while Philsports would be responsible for security inside.
Third, Corpuz said the main stadium, which was to be used as the main show venue, was already packed with at least 6,500 people or at least three fourths of its total capacity even as the main gates were supposed to be opened at around 6 a.m. Saturday.
Fourth, Corpuz said the ABS-CBN organizers should have decided to look for another venue other than the ULTRA since the main stadium has a seating capacity of 9,000, the open bleacher section can accommodate another 8,000, while a lower bleacher section of Ultra can seat another 2,000.
Chief Supt. Oscar Valenzuela, chief of the Eastern Police District, said no further coordination was made with the Pasig City police after a show staff handed over a request for police assistance.
Rene Luspo, ABS-CBN assistant vice president for security, was the first resource person to be grilled by members of the fact-finding board at the DILG main conference room in Quezon City.
Luspo said the LRP gate, which was on Capt. Javier street, was the "most logical" entrance because it leads to the open bleacher section even if it has a 30-degree downward slope with an entrance measuring between 10 and 12 feet wide.
"It is the most logical entrance since there was no other gate to be used," he said.
Luspo said he expected about 25,000 to show up, based on the average 5,000 people coming to watch the show live Mondays to Saturdays.
He said the "overspill crowd" or those who were outside the steel barricades they had set up started to push their way in for fear that they might not be accommodated.
He said those inside the steel barricades had been there for the past days. They were mostly women, elderly, and those carrying children.
He said he deployed 12 guards at the entrance gates where the stampede occurred.
Luspo said he assumed that since Senior Supt. Raul Medina, Pasig City police chief, deployed 83 policemen, 50 district mobile force men, 25 traffic enforcers, 20 barangay tanod, and a number rescue teams, the police should know how to react in situations like a stampede.
"If you are facing a siksikan crowd, we can see the results, but we cannot really see how it started," Luspo said.
Luspo said they had requested the Pasig government to allow them to use an open space at the Capitol site where they could accommodate 10,000 people, but it was turned down because Pasig authorities feared the crowd could not be controlled.
The Pasig government later on agreed that the Capitol site open space could be used as a parking area. He said that as early as Monday (January 30) he visited the area where he said some 1,000 people had already gathered.
He said the crowd increased by the day until it reached 10,000 Friday evening when they had the emergency meeting with Ultra officials.
He said they deployed 107 ABS-CBN security personnel as early as Thursday night –23 along Captain Javier street, 77 along St. Martin street, four inside Ultra, and the rest at the perimeter.
Ultra management said they placed six male and female guards at the Capt. Javier street entrance to frisk studio guests.
Luspo said he did not have a written copy of his contingency plan.
"The planning doesn’t have to be in writing most of the time. We just sit down consider options, and decide," Luspo said.
He said the ABS-CBN guards were in charge of crowd control outside and led people to the proper entrance gates.
He said he was not personally present at the Captain Javier entrance but was at the St. Martin side "because in my assessment it was more critical because of the wide opening."
He said they tried to persuade people to calm down and explained the limited seating capacity, but their pleas apparently fell on deaf ears.
He said ABS-CBN and ULTRA officials agreed to open the gates at 5 a.m. instead of 6 a.m. but the Ultra guards were not yet prepared to open the gates as they were still holding a briefing.
"The idea was to relieve the pressure pero hindi pa nagbukas ng maaga kasi they (ULTRA) were not able to post their guards," he said.
Next to take the testify was Marilou Almaden, Wowowee production manager, who said the crowd began to swell at past midnight Saturday.
She said they tried to urge the crowd not be rowdy because 40 of those who could be accommodated would have a chance to win P5,000 cash raffle prizes.
She said that during the emergency meeting Friday night, she requested Ultra management to open the gates an hour earlier or at 5 a.m.
But between 3 and 4 a.m., the crowd grew bigger.
Almaden said they considered transferring the show to the Araneta Coliseum but there was no time to complete preparations. – Jocelyn Montemayor, Raymond Africa, Francis Cueto (Malaya) and Reuters
Distorted values is the real tragedy
By Jeannette I. Andrade, Manila Times Reporter
THE real tragedy in the stampede in Pasig City on Saturday is that Filipinos suffer from a serious distortion of values, a psychiatrist said Sunday.
Dr. Gilda Salangad, a psychiatrist of 23 years, blamed moral degradation for the Philsports (formerly Ultra) Arena stampede which killed 72 people and injured hundreds who were queuing up for the first anniversary of a noontime game show that promised millions worth of prizes.
Salangad told The Manila Times in an interview that TV programs, such as Wowowee, whet the appetite of the Filipino for get-rich-quick schemes.
Salangad, who worked at the National Center for Mental Health for seven years, said there is a tendency for such programs to play up the people’s fantasies for easy money. An estimated 30,000 followers of Wowowee, mostly from poor communities in and around Metro Manila, had lined up for the chance to win cash prizes being offered by the program.
“Normally, we are supposed to work hard for what we want. The reality of the situation is you have to work because in the real world, we don’t always get what we want immediately,” Salangad said.
She added the Filipino mindset is for “instant gratification, where we tend to allow our instinct to obtain a nice feeling immediately without having to work.”
“It boils down to the pleasure principle. All of us, through our development, would want to release things which would keep us tense. It is instinctive for us to find pleasurable things to relieve difficulty and pain.
“What we naturally ascribe to is the reward principle where we are aware that we have to work hard to get what we want or need. This is where emotional quotient [EQ] comes in,” Salangad said.
If a person’s EQ is high, he knows how to delay gratification, she said. “They know that if they work hard enough they can attain the reward they expect.”
The prevalent mentality, she claimed, is “getting so much for so little” and “what I can get without really trying or doing anything.”
Asked what could have been running in the minds of Wowowee fanatics and staff who wanted the show to go on despite the tragedy, Salangad replied, “Talagang sa maraming tao, business must go on despite everything. There is callousness to the plight of others. Ang mentality: Nangyari sa iyo, wala akong pakialam. Hindi naman ako apektado [Whatever happens to you, I don’t care because I am not affected]. This is the loss of the sense of social obligation which redounds to the deteriorating value systems.”
About 5,000 fans, evidently not put off by the tragedy, continued to wait in the stadium for the show to start.
“Sayang naman ang pagod natin [Our efforts would have been for naught],” one of the fans said. “Wala kaming pamasahe. Hindi kami makauwi [We do not have money. We cannot go home],” lamented another.
Salangad said the prevailing attitude of “to each his own” or “dog eat dog.” “The kind of values we have, masyado nang kani-kaniya ang attitude ng tao ngayon,” she emphasized.
She attributed the mindset to technology. “The nature of movies we see, television programs, they show that you can just trample on other people’s rights to make money.”
She said that values have changed drastically. “People get to be callous just to gratify their needs even if others get hurt in the process.”
If anybody could be tapped to remedy the situation, she said, these are the priests. “Where are our priests? I want to hear the bishops talk now. They should be the first there but where are they now?” she said.
“There’s something seriously wrong here. We need to reevaluate our values and reassess our values system,” Salangad said. “While it is true that times are hard, our values should not be forgotten and must be preserved.”
THE real tragedy in the stampede in Pasig City on Saturday is that Filipinos suffer from a serious distortion of values, a psychiatrist said Sunday.
Dr. Gilda Salangad, a psychiatrist of 23 years, blamed moral degradation for the Philsports (formerly Ultra) Arena stampede which killed 72 people and injured hundreds who were queuing up for the first anniversary of a noontime game show that promised millions worth of prizes.
Salangad told The Manila Times in an interview that TV programs, such as Wowowee, whet the appetite of the Filipino for get-rich-quick schemes.
Salangad, who worked at the National Center for Mental Health for seven years, said there is a tendency for such programs to play up the people’s fantasies for easy money. An estimated 30,000 followers of Wowowee, mostly from poor communities in and around Metro Manila, had lined up for the chance to win cash prizes being offered by the program.
“Normally, we are supposed to work hard for what we want. The reality of the situation is you have to work because in the real world, we don’t always get what we want immediately,” Salangad said.
She added the Filipino mindset is for “instant gratification, where we tend to allow our instinct to obtain a nice feeling immediately without having to work.”
“It boils down to the pleasure principle. All of us, through our development, would want to release things which would keep us tense. It is instinctive for us to find pleasurable things to relieve difficulty and pain.
“What we naturally ascribe to is the reward principle where we are aware that we have to work hard to get what we want or need. This is where emotional quotient [EQ] comes in,” Salangad said.
If a person’s EQ is high, he knows how to delay gratification, she said. “They know that if they work hard enough they can attain the reward they expect.”
The prevalent mentality, she claimed, is “getting so much for so little” and “what I can get without really trying or doing anything.”
Asked what could have been running in the minds of Wowowee fanatics and staff who wanted the show to go on despite the tragedy, Salangad replied, “Talagang sa maraming tao, business must go on despite everything. There is callousness to the plight of others. Ang mentality: Nangyari sa iyo, wala akong pakialam. Hindi naman ako apektado [Whatever happens to you, I don’t care because I am not affected]. This is the loss of the sense of social obligation which redounds to the deteriorating value systems.”
About 5,000 fans, evidently not put off by the tragedy, continued to wait in the stadium for the show to start.
“Sayang naman ang pagod natin [Our efforts would have been for naught],” one of the fans said. “Wala kaming pamasahe. Hindi kami makauwi [We do not have money. We cannot go home],” lamented another.
Salangad said the prevailing attitude of “to each his own” or “dog eat dog.” “The kind of values we have, masyado nang kani-kaniya ang attitude ng tao ngayon,” she emphasized.
She attributed the mindset to technology. “The nature of movies we see, television programs, they show that you can just trample on other people’s rights to make money.”
She said that values have changed drastically. “People get to be callous just to gratify their needs even if others get hurt in the process.”
If anybody could be tapped to remedy the situation, she said, these are the priests. “Where are our priests? I want to hear the bishops talk now. They should be the first there but where are they now?” she said.
“There’s something seriously wrong here. We need to reevaluate our values and reassess our values system,” Salangad said. “While it is true that times are hard, our values should not be forgotten and must be preserved.”
Sunday, February 05, 2006
Saturday, February 04, 2006
Get Real : Teaching citizens to fight corruption
By Solita Collas-Monsod, Inquirer
NO longer can anyone plead ignorance or helplessness or hopelessness as an excuse for not taking an active role in the fight against corruption. An “Anti-Graft Guidebook” has just come out, written by Sofronio B. Ursal and published by Good Governance Books, Quezon City (E-mail: governancebooks@yahoo.com). And it is a must-read for all of us, whether legislator, government bureaucrat, or ordinary citizen -- because just the act of reading the book is an empowering experience.
The author is someone I’ve admired for a long time. Although I may have met him only once or twice, I know him by reputation as a man of integrity and competence, whether in government (50 years) or in civil society. On the issue of corruption, he knows whereof he speaks: he served with distinction as a commissioner of the Commission on Audit, and after his retirement from that position, he has kept active in the fight against corruption through his directorships in Transparency International-Philippines, the Philippine Society for Public Administration, Sinag ng Bayan Foundation and other anti-corruption groups.
Why is reading the “Anti-Graft Guidebook” an empowering experience? The titles of the eight chapters (all well-researched and discussed exhaustively) give us a clue: “Understanding Graft,” “The Role of Government Agency Heads,’ “Basic Graft Prevention Tools,” “Experimental Typology of Graft” (classifying graft, rules of thumb as to preventability of graft), “Survey of Philippine Anti-Graft Laws,” “Profile of Anti-Graft Agencies,” “Citizen’s Remedies Against Official Abuses,” and “The Remedy in Extremis.” By the time one finishes reading it, one is not only raring to go graft-busting, one is provided with all the legal weapons to do so. Essentially, he has done all our homework -- enough for us to draw our own conclusions and apply them—and even then, he makes it easy: those of us who want to put our money where our mouth are told what buttons we can push to break the “cycle” of graft. There is also a primer on how organizations can be accredited as a corruption-prevention unit by the Office of the Ombudsman.
The chapter on the typology of graft is particularly instructive. Here, Ursua classifies the graft by mode (administrative, policy, arbitration and political graft), by branch of service and rank of officer (career, non-career; lowest to highest), and by preventability (EP -- Easily Preventable, P -- Preventable, HP -- Hardly Preventable, and NP -- Not Preventable). The good news is that graft among the clerical and sub-professional workers in the career service is EP, while among the professional/technical up to division chief it is EP to P. Still as one goes up the ranks, it becomes harder to prevent graft. Ursal’s matrix indicates that among the Career Executive Service, policy and political graft may be P, but administrative graft goes from P-HP and arbitration graft is HP-NP. By the time you get to heads of agency and members of the judiciary, the graft, where applicable, is classified HP-NP.
The really bad news is that graft by government officials in the non-career service, i.e., impeachable officials, executive officials, and officials of Cabinet, is considered by Ursal to be either HP-NP, or totally NP. Which is why it is so important for the appointing power (the President) to choose people not only with competence but also with integrity, and why even then, her choices should be scrutinized closely by the Commission on Appointments. Unfortunately, historical experience tells us that the President’s choices and the vetting by the Commission on Appointments are, more often than not, politically motivated. No wonder there is so much corruption.
After surveying the anti-graft laws of the country (and listing them), it is clear that there are more than enough of them—in terms of quantity, if not quality. Ursal, however, suggests one more: a Whistleblower Law, similar to that of the United States, that will protect government employees denouncing anomalies committed within their agencies (he uses Acsa Ramirez and General Gudani as examples of employees penalized for whistle-blowing).
He also lists some very urgently needed amendments to existing laws. For example, the provisions in the revenue laws authorizing tax assessors to reduce their own tax assessments or to grant compromise settlements should be changed. These open up graft-prone situations where tax assessments are initially set unreasonably high and then reduced after “negotiations.” Also, there is need to amend the Ombudsman’s Act so as to authorize the Ombudsman to have access to and examine bank records in connection with anti-graft cases pending before his office, without need of a court order.
The most relevant portion for the ordinary citizen is the chapter on “Citizens’ Remedies Against Official Abuses.” It turns out that there are so many venues for filing complaints against a government official or employee. And there are so many grounds for filing administrative charges (at least seven) as well as criminal complaints. Ursal describes the procedures involved and tells us how to go about it. He exhorts us to fight back corruption by invoking our rights under the law instead of folding our arms and relying on people in government agencies to rediscover their sense of morality and those in anti-graft agencies to prosecute crooked officials.
Let’s do it.
NO longer can anyone plead ignorance or helplessness or hopelessness as an excuse for not taking an active role in the fight against corruption. An “Anti-Graft Guidebook” has just come out, written by Sofronio B. Ursal and published by Good Governance Books, Quezon City (E-mail: governancebooks@yahoo.com). And it is a must-read for all of us, whether legislator, government bureaucrat, or ordinary citizen -- because just the act of reading the book is an empowering experience.
The author is someone I’ve admired for a long time. Although I may have met him only once or twice, I know him by reputation as a man of integrity and competence, whether in government (50 years) or in civil society. On the issue of corruption, he knows whereof he speaks: he served with distinction as a commissioner of the Commission on Audit, and after his retirement from that position, he has kept active in the fight against corruption through his directorships in Transparency International-Philippines, the Philippine Society for Public Administration, Sinag ng Bayan Foundation and other anti-corruption groups.
Why is reading the “Anti-Graft Guidebook” an empowering experience? The titles of the eight chapters (all well-researched and discussed exhaustively) give us a clue: “Understanding Graft,” “The Role of Government Agency Heads,’ “Basic Graft Prevention Tools,” “Experimental Typology of Graft” (classifying graft, rules of thumb as to preventability of graft), “Survey of Philippine Anti-Graft Laws,” “Profile of Anti-Graft Agencies,” “Citizen’s Remedies Against Official Abuses,” and “The Remedy in Extremis.” By the time one finishes reading it, one is not only raring to go graft-busting, one is provided with all the legal weapons to do so. Essentially, he has done all our homework -- enough for us to draw our own conclusions and apply them—and even then, he makes it easy: those of us who want to put our money where our mouth are told what buttons we can push to break the “cycle” of graft. There is also a primer on how organizations can be accredited as a corruption-prevention unit by the Office of the Ombudsman.
The chapter on the typology of graft is particularly instructive. Here, Ursua classifies the graft by mode (administrative, policy, arbitration and political graft), by branch of service and rank of officer (career, non-career; lowest to highest), and by preventability (EP -- Easily Preventable, P -- Preventable, HP -- Hardly Preventable, and NP -- Not Preventable). The good news is that graft among the clerical and sub-professional workers in the career service is EP, while among the professional/technical up to division chief it is EP to P. Still as one goes up the ranks, it becomes harder to prevent graft. Ursal’s matrix indicates that among the Career Executive Service, policy and political graft may be P, but administrative graft goes from P-HP and arbitration graft is HP-NP. By the time you get to heads of agency and members of the judiciary, the graft, where applicable, is classified HP-NP.
The really bad news is that graft by government officials in the non-career service, i.e., impeachable officials, executive officials, and officials of Cabinet, is considered by Ursal to be either HP-NP, or totally NP. Which is why it is so important for the appointing power (the President) to choose people not only with competence but also with integrity, and why even then, her choices should be scrutinized closely by the Commission on Appointments. Unfortunately, historical experience tells us that the President’s choices and the vetting by the Commission on Appointments are, more often than not, politically motivated. No wonder there is so much corruption.
After surveying the anti-graft laws of the country (and listing them), it is clear that there are more than enough of them—in terms of quantity, if not quality. Ursal, however, suggests one more: a Whistleblower Law, similar to that of the United States, that will protect government employees denouncing anomalies committed within their agencies (he uses Acsa Ramirez and General Gudani as examples of employees penalized for whistle-blowing).
He also lists some very urgently needed amendments to existing laws. For example, the provisions in the revenue laws authorizing tax assessors to reduce their own tax assessments or to grant compromise settlements should be changed. These open up graft-prone situations where tax assessments are initially set unreasonably high and then reduced after “negotiations.” Also, there is need to amend the Ombudsman’s Act so as to authorize the Ombudsman to have access to and examine bank records in connection with anti-graft cases pending before his office, without need of a court order.
The most relevant portion for the ordinary citizen is the chapter on “Citizens’ Remedies Against Official Abuses.” It turns out that there are so many venues for filing complaints against a government official or employee. And there are so many grounds for filing administrative charges (at least seven) as well as criminal complaints. Ursal describes the procedures involved and tells us how to go about it. He exhorts us to fight back corruption by invoking our rights under the law instead of folding our arms and relying on people in government agencies to rediscover their sense of morality and those in anti-graft agencies to prosecute crooked officials.
Let’s do it.
Friday, February 03, 2006
Pantay na parusa sa kaliweteng mister, misis
Ang Pilipino STAR Ngayon
Upang hindi madehado ang mga babae mula sa kanilang mga nagtataksil na asawa, minamadali na ng ilang mambabatas ang pagpasa ng panukalang batas kung saan gagawing pantay ang parusa sa mga babae at lalaki na mangangaliwa.
Sa apat na panukalang batas na inihain nina Reps. Liza Maza, Imee Marcos, Harlin Cast Abayon at Joel Villanueva, sinabi ng mga kongresista na ‘unfair’ para sa mga kababaihan ang kasalukuyang batas na kumikiling sa mga kalalakihan.
Layunin ng panukala na amyendahan ang Article 333 at 334 ng Revised Penal Code na nagsasaad ng parusa sa adultery at concubinage.
Ipinaliwanag ni Maza na sa kasalukuyang batas, napakadaling sampahan ng kaso ang mga babaeng hinihinala pa lamang na nagtataksil sa kanilang asawa samantala kinakailangan munang makita ang aktuwal na pagtatalik ng asawang lalaki sa kanyang kalaguyo bago ito makasuhan ng concubinage.
Hindi rin pantay ang ipinapataw na parusa sa kasong adultery sa panig ng babae at concubinage sa panig ng lalaki.
Sa halip na tawaging "adultery" o "concubinage" ang pangangaliwa ng babae at lalaki sa kanilang asawa, nais ng mga mambabatas na tawagin na lamang itong marital infidelity kung saan magkakaroon ng pantay na parusa.
Kung masusunod ang panukala ni Marcos, gagawing prision correccional o pagkabilanggo ng mula 6 buwan hanggang 6 taon ang parusa sa mga mahuhuling nagtataksil sa kanilang asawa.
Pasok din sa martial infidelity ang sinumang tao na makikipagtalik sa isang may asawang babae o lalaki na alam naman niyang may asawa. (Malou Escudero)
Upang hindi madehado ang mga babae mula sa kanilang mga nagtataksil na asawa, minamadali na ng ilang mambabatas ang pagpasa ng panukalang batas kung saan gagawing pantay ang parusa sa mga babae at lalaki na mangangaliwa.
Sa apat na panukalang batas na inihain nina Reps. Liza Maza, Imee Marcos, Harlin Cast Abayon at Joel Villanueva, sinabi ng mga kongresista na ‘unfair’ para sa mga kababaihan ang kasalukuyang batas na kumikiling sa mga kalalakihan.
Layunin ng panukala na amyendahan ang Article 333 at 334 ng Revised Penal Code na nagsasaad ng parusa sa adultery at concubinage.
Ipinaliwanag ni Maza na sa kasalukuyang batas, napakadaling sampahan ng kaso ang mga babaeng hinihinala pa lamang na nagtataksil sa kanilang asawa samantala kinakailangan munang makita ang aktuwal na pagtatalik ng asawang lalaki sa kanyang kalaguyo bago ito makasuhan ng concubinage.
Hindi rin pantay ang ipinapataw na parusa sa kasong adultery sa panig ng babae at concubinage sa panig ng lalaki.
Sa halip na tawaging "adultery" o "concubinage" ang pangangaliwa ng babae at lalaki sa kanilang asawa, nais ng mga mambabatas na tawagin na lamang itong marital infidelity kung saan magkakaroon ng pantay na parusa.
Kung masusunod ang panukala ni Marcos, gagawing prision correccional o pagkabilanggo ng mula 6 buwan hanggang 6 taon ang parusa sa mga mahuhuling nagtataksil sa kanilang asawa.
Pasok din sa martial infidelity ang sinumang tao na makikipagtalik sa isang may asawang babae o lalaki na alam naman niyang may asawa. (Malou Escudero)
Thursday, February 02, 2006
House body okays change in form of government
MANILA -- The House committee on constitutional amendments approved on Wednesday the shift in the system of government from bicameral-presidential to unicameral-parliamentary.
The committee adopted the proposal, principally sponsored by Davao del Sur Representative Douglas Cagas, with a vote of 27 to six in favor of the measure.
Ironically, two staunch administration congressmen--Salacnib Baterina Ilocos Sur and Exequiel Javier of Antique--voted against the shift to parliamentary system.
Baterina believed that under the parliamentary system, government will do away with checks and balances which are very much present under the present system.
"We do away with check and balances. One department, meaning the executive, the judiciary or the legislative, can no longer be checked by another department except by the judiciary," Baterina said.
Cagas, while insisting on the need for a shift from presidential to parliamentary, said it would definitely solve the problem on corruption.
"In the case of parliament, there is a good chance that emerging corruption will be stopped," Cagas said.
This, however, was immediately refuted by opposition Representatives Satur Ocampo (party-list, Bayan Muna) and Roilo Golez of Parañaque City.
Ocampo said the issue of corruption cannot be solely solved by a mere change of the system, claiming there are countries with parliamentary governments still racked by corruption.
"This would not resolve the issue of corruption," Ocampo said and this was echoed by Golez.
"I don't think we can blame it on the system of government," Golez said, referring to the emerging corruption, political, and economic instability.
Golez further explained that during the 1940s and early 1970s, the country emerged as one of the most accomplished nations in Asia. The country, being next to Japan, was more competitive compared to its neighboring countries.
"But when the government changed its system to parliamentary in 1973, that was the time when the country's golden years started to deteriorate," he said, adding that what the country needs now is "character change."
Prior to the approval of the shift of the system of government, constitutionalist Fr. Joaquin Bernas also appeared before a forum on Charter amendments to dismiss the stand made by Malacañang allies that they can pursue Charter amendments even in the absence of the Senate.
Bernas, a member of the 1986 Constitutional Commission (Concom) and Ateneo Law Department, dismissed an earlier theory that a special Congress session be called so the Senate and the House of Representatives could jointly deliberate and vote on Charter amendments.
"The 1987 Constitution respects the independence of the two Houses of Congress. Each instance of votation shall always be done separately by the two Houses. Either House could agree or reject the proposals of the other," Bernas told the critique on Charter Change forum which was attended by 19 legislators, mostly from the opposition.
Leading the legislators were forum sponsors Ocampo, Joel Virador, Rafael Mariano (party-list Anakpawis) and Liza Maza (party-list, Gabriela Women's Party). Also in attendance were Representatives Ronaldo Zamora, Henedina Abad, Hermilando Mandanas, Roilo Golez, Gilbert Remulla, Eduardo Zialcita, Etta Rosales, Nereus Acosta, Darlene Custodio, Teofisto Guingona III, Rodante Marcoleta, Joseph Emilio Abaya, Manuel Mamba, Belma Cabilao and Agapito Aquino.
Dr. Temario Rivera, former chair of the UP Political Science Department and current board member of the Center for People Empowerment and Governance, focused on the merits and demerits of the models of government even as he stressed that discussions on which model is better should be well-grounded on the prevailing social realities.
Rivera said the blame for social, political, and economic problems should not be pinned on a single institution such as the bicameral Congress or the presidential system.
Also present in the forum was lawyer Neri Javier Colmenares of the Counsels for the Defense of Liberties (Codal). He criticized the Malacañang-controlled House for pushing Charter amendments that would make the President less accountable.
He was referring to some provisions in the proposed Charter giving the President more power, at the same time making impeachment moves more difficult. (DBP/Sunnex)
The committee adopted the proposal, principally sponsored by Davao del Sur Representative Douglas Cagas, with a vote of 27 to six in favor of the measure.
Ironically, two staunch administration congressmen--Salacnib Baterina Ilocos Sur and Exequiel Javier of Antique--voted against the shift to parliamentary system.
Baterina believed that under the parliamentary system, government will do away with checks and balances which are very much present under the present system.
"We do away with check and balances. One department, meaning the executive, the judiciary or the legislative, can no longer be checked by another department except by the judiciary," Baterina said.
Cagas, while insisting on the need for a shift from presidential to parliamentary, said it would definitely solve the problem on corruption.
"In the case of parliament, there is a good chance that emerging corruption will be stopped," Cagas said.
This, however, was immediately refuted by opposition Representatives Satur Ocampo (party-list, Bayan Muna) and Roilo Golez of Parañaque City.
Ocampo said the issue of corruption cannot be solely solved by a mere change of the system, claiming there are countries with parliamentary governments still racked by corruption.
"This would not resolve the issue of corruption," Ocampo said and this was echoed by Golez.
"I don't think we can blame it on the system of government," Golez said, referring to the emerging corruption, political, and economic instability.
Golez further explained that during the 1940s and early 1970s, the country emerged as one of the most accomplished nations in Asia. The country, being next to Japan, was more competitive compared to its neighboring countries.
"But when the government changed its system to parliamentary in 1973, that was the time when the country's golden years started to deteriorate," he said, adding that what the country needs now is "character change."
Prior to the approval of the shift of the system of government, constitutionalist Fr. Joaquin Bernas also appeared before a forum on Charter amendments to dismiss the stand made by Malacañang allies that they can pursue Charter amendments even in the absence of the Senate.
Bernas, a member of the 1986 Constitutional Commission (Concom) and Ateneo Law Department, dismissed an earlier theory that a special Congress session be called so the Senate and the House of Representatives could jointly deliberate and vote on Charter amendments.
"The 1987 Constitution respects the independence of the two Houses of Congress. Each instance of votation shall always be done separately by the two Houses. Either House could agree or reject the proposals of the other," Bernas told the critique on Charter Change forum which was attended by 19 legislators, mostly from the opposition.
Leading the legislators were forum sponsors Ocampo, Joel Virador, Rafael Mariano (party-list Anakpawis) and Liza Maza (party-list, Gabriela Women's Party). Also in attendance were Representatives Ronaldo Zamora, Henedina Abad, Hermilando Mandanas, Roilo Golez, Gilbert Remulla, Eduardo Zialcita, Etta Rosales, Nereus Acosta, Darlene Custodio, Teofisto Guingona III, Rodante Marcoleta, Joseph Emilio Abaya, Manuel Mamba, Belma Cabilao and Agapito Aquino.
Dr. Temario Rivera, former chair of the UP Political Science Department and current board member of the Center for People Empowerment and Governance, focused on the merits and demerits of the models of government even as he stressed that discussions on which model is better should be well-grounded on the prevailing social realities.
Rivera said the blame for social, political, and economic problems should not be pinned on a single institution such as the bicameral Congress or the presidential system.
Also present in the forum was lawyer Neri Javier Colmenares of the Counsels for the Defense of Liberties (Codal). He criticized the Malacañang-controlled House for pushing Charter amendments that would make the President less accountable.
He was referring to some provisions in the proposed Charter giving the President more power, at the same time making impeachment moves more difficult. (DBP/Sunnex)
Wednesday, February 01, 2006
LGU chiefs gear up for people’s initiative
SOME 10,000 local government leaders, from governors to barangay councilors, will lead the launching of the “people’s initiative” to amend the 1987 Constitution and shift to a parliamentary form of government at the Ninoy Aquino Stadium in Manila on Feb. 10.
The highlight of the event will be the signing of the petition, which will be distributed all over the country in a bid to gather at least 12 percent of registered voters, at least 3 percent of each congressional district.
Jose Abueva, president of the Consultative Commission that drafted recommended amendments to the Constitution, will explain their recommendations while Cagayan de Oro City Rep. Constantino Jaraullo will clarify the procedure of the people’s initiative.
“People’s initiative is the most efficient, less expensive and shortest method to change our Constitution and embrace a parliamentary form of government,” Puerto Princesa Mayor Edward Hagedorn told Standard Today. Hagedorn is the chairman of the League of the City Mayors.
Hagedorn said the whole-day affair will be attended by leaders of the different local government leagues like that of the governors, vice governors, provincial board members, city mayors, town mayors, city councilors, town councilors, barangay chairmen and barangay councilors, including the barangay youth leaders.
“This is the biggest gathering of local government officials, which is truly a representation of the masses, the backbone of people’s initiative,” said Hagedorn, adding that they hope to gather the required number and percentages of signatures by the end of February.
“After which, we will submit the people’s initiative petition to the Commission on Elections (Comelec) for verification if it is sufficient in form and the required number of signatures are achieved,” he explained.
Hagedorn said once the Comelec has verified the petition, they expect some sectors to question it before the Supreme Court (SC) and ask for a temporary restraining order (TRO).
“Once at the SC, we have a battery of good lawyers who will defend our position. We are confident that the High Court will take our side this time because we have a political situation wherein the threat of power grab is imminent. We believe that this political exercise will finally solve the stalemate,” he said.
Once the SC has ruled in favor of the petition, Hagedorn said, the SC will order Comelec to hold a plebiscite “not earlier than 60 days, but not more than 90 days” from the day of decision.
The plebiscite will simply ask the people to vote for or against Charter Change and, in the event “yes” votes win, a new constitution takes effect and the bicameral Congress dissolved at once.
Then, within 40 days, the unicameral parliament is convened by Vice President Noli de Castro to elect the prime minister, who will be the chief executive of the government. Jaime Pilapil, Manila Standard
The highlight of the event will be the signing of the petition, which will be distributed all over the country in a bid to gather at least 12 percent of registered voters, at least 3 percent of each congressional district.
Jose Abueva, president of the Consultative Commission that drafted recommended amendments to the Constitution, will explain their recommendations while Cagayan de Oro City Rep. Constantino Jaraullo will clarify the procedure of the people’s initiative.
“People’s initiative is the most efficient, less expensive and shortest method to change our Constitution and embrace a parliamentary form of government,” Puerto Princesa Mayor Edward Hagedorn told Standard Today. Hagedorn is the chairman of the League of the City Mayors.
Hagedorn said the whole-day affair will be attended by leaders of the different local government leagues like that of the governors, vice governors, provincial board members, city mayors, town mayors, city councilors, town councilors, barangay chairmen and barangay councilors, including the barangay youth leaders.
“This is the biggest gathering of local government officials, which is truly a representation of the masses, the backbone of people’s initiative,” said Hagedorn, adding that they hope to gather the required number and percentages of signatures by the end of February.
“After which, we will submit the people’s initiative petition to the Commission on Elections (Comelec) for verification if it is sufficient in form and the required number of signatures are achieved,” he explained.
Hagedorn said once the Comelec has verified the petition, they expect some sectors to question it before the Supreme Court (SC) and ask for a temporary restraining order (TRO).
“Once at the SC, we have a battery of good lawyers who will defend our position. We are confident that the High Court will take our side this time because we have a political situation wherein the threat of power grab is imminent. We believe that this political exercise will finally solve the stalemate,” he said.
Once the SC has ruled in favor of the petition, Hagedorn said, the SC will order Comelec to hold a plebiscite “not earlier than 60 days, but not more than 90 days” from the day of decision.
The plebiscite will simply ask the people to vote for or against Charter Change and, in the event “yes” votes win, a new constitution takes effect and the bicameral Congress dissolved at once.
Then, within 40 days, the unicameral parliament is convened by Vice President Noli de Castro to elect the prime minister, who will be the chief executive of the government. Jaime Pilapil, Manila Standard
English language education is billion-dollar industry
I TOTALLY agree on reinstating English as the medium of instruction at all school levels in order to make Filipinos more competitive in the global economy. Here in Australia, English language education is a billion-dollar industry and the Australian government is very supportive in making sure that the industry is well taken care of.
A lot of Asian students from South Korea, Japan, China, Indonesia, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, and Mongolia come here to Australia to study English. Even students from as far as Eastern Europe come here just to study English. Aside from the benefit of learning English, the European students love the Australian environment, climate, beaches, and the diversity of Australian society.
I remember reading an article that in the 1960s and '70s students from Asian countries who wanted to learn English went to the Philippines to study. However, because of the deteriorating English and negative news on the Philippines, such as on the security and political problems, English language students from Asian countries were discouraged about going to the Philippines.
I hope that our beloved congressmen and senators and Executive officials, and the Filipino people in general, will have an open mind about reinstating English as the medium of instruction because it would have an exponential effect on the Philippine economy, specifically in job creation. By doing so, we will allow the Philippines to take a bigger market share of the billion-dollar industry of English language education. Furthermore, it will allow the billion-dollar call centers and BPO sector to grow in the Philippines.
DANNY DELGADO, 6/ 55 Shirley Road, Wollstonecraft, NSW, Australia (via e-mail) INQ7.net
A lot of Asian students from South Korea, Japan, China, Indonesia, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, and Mongolia come here to Australia to study English. Even students from as far as Eastern Europe come here just to study English. Aside from the benefit of learning English, the European students love the Australian environment, climate, beaches, and the diversity of Australian society.
I remember reading an article that in the 1960s and '70s students from Asian countries who wanted to learn English went to the Philippines to study. However, because of the deteriorating English and negative news on the Philippines, such as on the security and political problems, English language students from Asian countries were discouraged about going to the Philippines.
I hope that our beloved congressmen and senators and Executive officials, and the Filipino people in general, will have an open mind about reinstating English as the medium of instruction because it would have an exponential effect on the Philippine economy, specifically in job creation. By doing so, we will allow the Philippines to take a bigger market share of the billion-dollar industry of English language education. Furthermore, it will allow the billion-dollar call centers and BPO sector to grow in the Philippines.
DANNY DELGADO, 6/ 55 Shirley Road, Wollstonecraft, NSW, Australia (via e-mail) INQ7.net
Monday, January 30, 2006
Pastoral statement of the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines
Beloved People of God:
1. We, your bishops, have collectively discerned in the light of the
Gospel what our mass media, our political leaders and, above all, you
parishioners in our various dioceses have been telling us. What
clearly emerges is the continued and urgent need for renewal in the
public life of our country.
I. Our Pastoral Situation: What Our People Are Saying
2. We have all observed the failure of political processes to make
public servants accountable for wrongdoing. What we have seen instead
are acts of evasion and obstruction of the truth, as in the case of
the wiretapping and Garcillano tapes controversy. While we acknowledge
that patriotic and sincere Filipinos have heeded our call in July 2005
for accountability in public office and sought means for the truth to
emerge, we also witness those who seem to use "the search for truth"
as a means of furthering their political ambitions. Pressure is thus
brought on the ordinary citizen to take sides on the basis of
speculation, whether this be with regard to destabilizing alliances,
armed insurgency, or a brewing coup d'état. Have we become a nation of
rumors and untruths?
3. As a result of all this, there seems to be a paralyzing gridlock in
the political sphere, as partisan interests prevail over the demands
of the common good. Enough of this destructive politics, we hear our
people declare. In this situation of widespread confusion, it is not
surprising that apathy and cynicism with regard to politics have taken
hold of the minds and hearts of many Filipino. Tragically, many
Filipinos have lost trust in political leaders from left, right, and
center, and worse still, in the political institutions themselves
which are perceived by many to be corrupted. Among an increasing
number of our people, there is a sense of hopelessness about our
country and the possibility of genuine reform.
4. While the economy at the macro-level seems to be moving along, the
benefits are not sufficiently shared by the poor. What the people in
our dioceses are experiencing and saying informs us that their most
immediate and urgent priority is their daily struggle to earn a
livelihood. Poverty remains the heaviest burden our people bear. They
wonder if the political priorities that preoccupy our leaders are
merely "Manila-magnified" problems foisted upon those in the
provinces. They are seriously concerned that in 2006 we shall be
repeating the same kind of chaotic politics that we all suffered in
2005.
II. The Root of the Crisis: Erosion of Moral Values
5. As bishops, we believe that at the bottom of our political chaos is
a crisis of moral values, a crisis of truth and justice, of unity and
solidarity for the sake of the common good and genuine peace. Truth
has become a victim of political partisanship as well as of
transactional politics. Moral accountability and justice for crimes,
such as the killings of journalist and labor leaders, are yet to be
realized.
6. Because of this crisis of values in our public life, the common
good and the plight of the poor are being ignored. We witness the
anguish of poor farmers affected by rising prices of farm inputs and
decreasing prices for their products. Indigenous people, farmers and
fishermen in our diocese are filled with anxiety about the negative
effects of mining, commercial logging, illegal quarrying and fishing,
and the continual threat of displacement from one's ancestral lands.
More regrettable is the common knowledge that many of our politicians
are behind such ventures that disregard the common good.
7. As Bishops, we realize that the root cause of our debilitating
situation is the erosion of moral values. Its external manifestations
are deceit and dishonesty, corruption, manipulation and a deadening
preoccupation with narrow political interests, perceived in
practically all branches and at all levels of government. Pope
Benedict XVI cites St. Augustine's observation that "a State which is
not governed according to justice would be just a bunch of thieves."
(Deus Caritas Est, 28)
8. But we also recognize that our situation is not one of utter
darkness. We are encouraged and inspired to see so many good and
decent Filipinos, of different faith traditions, working selflessly
and sincerely to build up our nation. We see public servants
struggling for integrity and the authentic reform of the corrupted
institutions they are part of. We acknowledge groups of dedicated
laity, religious and clergy, NGOs and various associations, including
police and military personnel, giving of themselves to improve the
governance, education, health, housing, livelihood and environmental
conditions of our people. These people, united by a vision of heroic
citizenship, are reasons for hope, even in the midst of the political
crisis we find ourselves in.
III. What We Need to Do
9. The mission of the Church includes the renewal of the social order
and public life through the teaching and inculcation of the values of
the Gospel. Because of the moral dimensions of our political and
economic life, "The Church has something to say about specific human
situations, individual and communal, national and international."
(Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, No. 521) "Any
authentic search for peace", the Holy Father stresses, "must begin
with the realization that the problem of truth and untruth is the
concern of every man and woman." (In Truth, Peace, No. 5) Let us all
therefore address the urgent issues facing our country from this moral
standpoint:
* We recommend that the search for truth be relentlessly pursued
through structures and processes mandated by law and our Constitution,
such as the Ombudsman, the Commission on Audit, the Commission on
Human Rights, the Sandiganbayan, and Congress itself as well as other
citizens' groups. This requires that such bodies be led and run by
credible people, persons of integrity and probity.
* Confidence and trust in our political processes have to be restored.
As a first step we strongly urge our political leaders to undertake
electoral reforms posthaste. The Commission on Elections has to be
transformed into a competent and reliable body beyond reproach. The
call for resignation or even prosecution of a number of the
Commissioners should not be lightly brushed aside. The electoral
process, including counting of votes, needs to be reformed and
modernized before the next elections.
* Elections in 2007 should not be cancelled. The Church recognizes
that in a democracy power emanates from the people - i.e., that "the
subject of political authority is the people considered in its
entirety.This people transfers the exercise of sovereignty to those
whom it freely elects.but it preserves the prerogative.(of) evaluating
those charged with governing, and in replacing them when they do not
fulfill their functions satisfactorily." (Compendium of the Social
Doctrine of the Church, No. 395).
* While we agree that certain aspects of our Constitution may need
amendments and revisions, we do not support hasty efforts to change
this fundamental law of the land without the widespread discussion and
participation that such changes require. We continue to believe, as we
did in our Statement on Charter Change in 2003, that changing the
Constitution involving major shifts in the form of government requires
widespread participation, total transparency, and relative serenity
that allows for rational discussion and debate. This is best done
through a Constitutional Convention. The reasons for constitutional
change must be based on the common good rather than on self-serving
interests or the interests of political dynasties.
* We reiterate our stand in our July 2005 statement that we do not
condone resort to violence or counter-constitutional means in
resolving our present crisis. These measures would only bring about
new forms of injustice, more hardships, and greater harm in the
future.
10. We are aware that the renewal of Philippine public life will
require the transformation of cultural values and structures, and will
require more intensive efforts on the part of the Church. We therefore
commit ourselves to the following:
* To adopt a more systematic program of promoting the moral values
that are indicated in seven (of the nine) pastoral priorities drawn up
at the 2001 National Pastoral Consultation on Church Renewal. These
are: integral faith formation; empowerment of the laity towards social
transformation; the active presence and participation of the poor in
the Church and in society; the family as the focal point of
evangelization; the building and strengthening of participatory
communities that make up the parish; integral renewal of the clergy
and religious; and our journeying with the youth.
* To continue the formation of Basic Ecclesial Communities and other
faith-communities at the grassroots, towards a deeper spirituality of
heroic Christian citizenship, and towards encouraging the laudable
efforts of these communities at nation-building, such as the
monitoring of the IRA, bidding of public works projects, etc.
* To promote a spirituality of public service, integrity and
stewardship among public servants and citizens' groups alike. These
forms of social spirituality should counteract the persistent evils of
gambling, drug pushing, usury, destruction of our environment, and
corruption in public office.
* To bring together various concerned citizens' groups that are
working for good governance in order to encourage better collaboration
among them in the mobilization of the governed to check graft and
corruption and to work for better public services.
* To declare this year 2006 as a "Social Concerns Year" under the
auspices of the Immaculate Heart of Mary and the Sacred Heart of
Jesus. The Social Teachings of the Church, as summarized in the
recently printed Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, may
be discussed, internalized, and acted upon in all our dioceses,
parishes and Catholic schools.
* To accompany our efforts with prayer and penance and a deep trust in
the transformative power of God's grace in the lives of individuals as
well as of societies. "Restore us to Thee, O Lord, that we may be
restored" (Lam 5:21).
Conclusion
11. In all we have been saying here, we, your Bishops, are seeking to
be faithful to the Lord's command of love, and his call to his
followers to care for all peoples, especially those whom he sees as
the "least of my brothers and sisters" (Mt. 25, 40). It is this Gospel
mandate we wish to see making a qualitative difference in our efforts
at healing and renewing our flawed political culture and corrupted
public life. In doing this, we show our solidarity with the poor who
suffer most from the present state of public life and politics.
12. May the love of God in Christ, poured out upon all of us in the
Holy Spirit, give us the courage and hope to renew our public life and
to build up a truly moral society. And may Mary become our guide and
model in this renewed pilgrimage towards Truth, Justice, Freedom and
Love - the pillars of genuine peace in our land.
For the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines
Angel N. Lagdameo, D.D.
President
Archbishop of Jaro
29 January 2006
COPYRIGHT 2004 (c) People's Independent Media Inc.
1. We, your bishops, have collectively discerned in the light of the
Gospel what our mass media, our political leaders and, above all, you
parishioners in our various dioceses have been telling us. What
clearly emerges is the continued and urgent need for renewal in the
public life of our country.
I. Our Pastoral Situation: What Our People Are Saying
2. We have all observed the failure of political processes to make
public servants accountable for wrongdoing. What we have seen instead
are acts of evasion and obstruction of the truth, as in the case of
the wiretapping and Garcillano tapes controversy. While we acknowledge
that patriotic and sincere Filipinos have heeded our call in July 2005
for accountability in public office and sought means for the truth to
emerge, we also witness those who seem to use "the search for truth"
as a means of furthering their political ambitions. Pressure is thus
brought on the ordinary citizen to take sides on the basis of
speculation, whether this be with regard to destabilizing alliances,
armed insurgency, or a brewing coup d'état. Have we become a nation of
rumors and untruths?
3. As a result of all this, there seems to be a paralyzing gridlock in
the political sphere, as partisan interests prevail over the demands
of the common good. Enough of this destructive politics, we hear our
people declare. In this situation of widespread confusion, it is not
surprising that apathy and cynicism with regard to politics have taken
hold of the minds and hearts of many Filipino. Tragically, many
Filipinos have lost trust in political leaders from left, right, and
center, and worse still, in the political institutions themselves
which are perceived by many to be corrupted. Among an increasing
number of our people, there is a sense of hopelessness about our
country and the possibility of genuine reform.
4. While the economy at the macro-level seems to be moving along, the
benefits are not sufficiently shared by the poor. What the people in
our dioceses are experiencing and saying informs us that their most
immediate and urgent priority is their daily struggle to earn a
livelihood. Poverty remains the heaviest burden our people bear. They
wonder if the political priorities that preoccupy our leaders are
merely "Manila-magnified" problems foisted upon those in the
provinces. They are seriously concerned that in 2006 we shall be
repeating the same kind of chaotic politics that we all suffered in
2005.
II. The Root of the Crisis: Erosion of Moral Values
5. As bishops, we believe that at the bottom of our political chaos is
a crisis of moral values, a crisis of truth and justice, of unity and
solidarity for the sake of the common good and genuine peace. Truth
has become a victim of political partisanship as well as of
transactional politics. Moral accountability and justice for crimes,
such as the killings of journalist and labor leaders, are yet to be
realized.
6. Because of this crisis of values in our public life, the common
good and the plight of the poor are being ignored. We witness the
anguish of poor farmers affected by rising prices of farm inputs and
decreasing prices for their products. Indigenous people, farmers and
fishermen in our diocese are filled with anxiety about the negative
effects of mining, commercial logging, illegal quarrying and fishing,
and the continual threat of displacement from one's ancestral lands.
More regrettable is the common knowledge that many of our politicians
are behind such ventures that disregard the common good.
7. As Bishops, we realize that the root cause of our debilitating
situation is the erosion of moral values. Its external manifestations
are deceit and dishonesty, corruption, manipulation and a deadening
preoccupation with narrow political interests, perceived in
practically all branches and at all levels of government. Pope
Benedict XVI cites St. Augustine's observation that "a State which is
not governed according to justice would be just a bunch of thieves."
(Deus Caritas Est, 28)
8. But we also recognize that our situation is not one of utter
darkness. We are encouraged and inspired to see so many good and
decent Filipinos, of different faith traditions, working selflessly
and sincerely to build up our nation. We see public servants
struggling for integrity and the authentic reform of the corrupted
institutions they are part of. We acknowledge groups of dedicated
laity, religious and clergy, NGOs and various associations, including
police and military personnel, giving of themselves to improve the
governance, education, health, housing, livelihood and environmental
conditions of our people. These people, united by a vision of heroic
citizenship, are reasons for hope, even in the midst of the political
crisis we find ourselves in.
III. What We Need to Do
9. The mission of the Church includes the renewal of the social order
and public life through the teaching and inculcation of the values of
the Gospel. Because of the moral dimensions of our political and
economic life, "The Church has something to say about specific human
situations, individual and communal, national and international."
(Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, No. 521) "Any
authentic search for peace", the Holy Father stresses, "must begin
with the realization that the problem of truth and untruth is the
concern of every man and woman." (In Truth, Peace, No. 5) Let us all
therefore address the urgent issues facing our country from this moral
standpoint:
* We recommend that the search for truth be relentlessly pursued
through structures and processes mandated by law and our Constitution,
such as the Ombudsman, the Commission on Audit, the Commission on
Human Rights, the Sandiganbayan, and Congress itself as well as other
citizens' groups. This requires that such bodies be led and run by
credible people, persons of integrity and probity.
* Confidence and trust in our political processes have to be restored.
As a first step we strongly urge our political leaders to undertake
electoral reforms posthaste. The Commission on Elections has to be
transformed into a competent and reliable body beyond reproach. The
call for resignation or even prosecution of a number of the
Commissioners should not be lightly brushed aside. The electoral
process, including counting of votes, needs to be reformed and
modernized before the next elections.
* Elections in 2007 should not be cancelled. The Church recognizes
that in a democracy power emanates from the people - i.e., that "the
subject of political authority is the people considered in its
entirety.This people transfers the exercise of sovereignty to those
whom it freely elects.but it preserves the prerogative.(of) evaluating
those charged with governing, and in replacing them when they do not
fulfill their functions satisfactorily." (Compendium of the Social
Doctrine of the Church, No. 395).
* While we agree that certain aspects of our Constitution may need
amendments and revisions, we do not support hasty efforts to change
this fundamental law of the land without the widespread discussion and
participation that such changes require. We continue to believe, as we
did in our Statement on Charter Change in 2003, that changing the
Constitution involving major shifts in the form of government requires
widespread participation, total transparency, and relative serenity
that allows for rational discussion and debate. This is best done
through a Constitutional Convention. The reasons for constitutional
change must be based on the common good rather than on self-serving
interests or the interests of political dynasties.
* We reiterate our stand in our July 2005 statement that we do not
condone resort to violence or counter-constitutional means in
resolving our present crisis. These measures would only bring about
new forms of injustice, more hardships, and greater harm in the
future.
10. We are aware that the renewal of Philippine public life will
require the transformation of cultural values and structures, and will
require more intensive efforts on the part of the Church. We therefore
commit ourselves to the following:
* To adopt a more systematic program of promoting the moral values
that are indicated in seven (of the nine) pastoral priorities drawn up
at the 2001 National Pastoral Consultation on Church Renewal. These
are: integral faith formation; empowerment of the laity towards social
transformation; the active presence and participation of the poor in
the Church and in society; the family as the focal point of
evangelization; the building and strengthening of participatory
communities that make up the parish; integral renewal of the clergy
and religious; and our journeying with the youth.
* To continue the formation of Basic Ecclesial Communities and other
faith-communities at the grassroots, towards a deeper spirituality of
heroic Christian citizenship, and towards encouraging the laudable
efforts of these communities at nation-building, such as the
monitoring of the IRA, bidding of public works projects, etc.
* To promote a spirituality of public service, integrity and
stewardship among public servants and citizens' groups alike. These
forms of social spirituality should counteract the persistent evils of
gambling, drug pushing, usury, destruction of our environment, and
corruption in public office.
* To bring together various concerned citizens' groups that are
working for good governance in order to encourage better collaboration
among them in the mobilization of the governed to check graft and
corruption and to work for better public services.
* To declare this year 2006 as a "Social Concerns Year" under the
auspices of the Immaculate Heart of Mary and the Sacred Heart of
Jesus. The Social Teachings of the Church, as summarized in the
recently printed Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, may
be discussed, internalized, and acted upon in all our dioceses,
parishes and Catholic schools.
* To accompany our efforts with prayer and penance and a deep trust in
the transformative power of God's grace in the lives of individuals as
well as of societies. "Restore us to Thee, O Lord, that we may be
restored" (Lam 5:21).
Conclusion
11. In all we have been saying here, we, your Bishops, are seeking to
be faithful to the Lord's command of love, and his call to his
followers to care for all peoples, especially those whom he sees as
the "least of my brothers and sisters" (Mt. 25, 40). It is this Gospel
mandate we wish to see making a qualitative difference in our efforts
at healing and renewing our flawed political culture and corrupted
public life. In doing this, we show our solidarity with the poor who
suffer most from the present state of public life and politics.
12. May the love of God in Christ, poured out upon all of us in the
Holy Spirit, give us the courage and hope to renew our public life and
to build up a truly moral society. And may Mary become our guide and
model in this renewed pilgrimage towards Truth, Justice, Freedom and
Love - the pillars of genuine peace in our land.
For the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines
Angel N. Lagdameo, D.D.
President
Archbishop of Jaro
29 January 2006
COPYRIGHT 2004 (c) People's Independent Media Inc.
VFA: Who’s to blame?
BABE'S EYE VIEW By Babe Romualdez
The Philippine Star
When former Vice President, then Senator, Tito Guingona saw the draft of the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), he immediately rejected it saying it infringes on our sovereignty. At that time, many people thought Tito Guingona was being too nationalistic and too anti-American. In fact, when he was concurrent Secretary of Foreign Affairs, he wanted to confine the American troops inside designated camps and make the rules a little more stringent. His perennial run-ins with GMA over the VFA ultimately caused their parting of ways and cost him his job as Foreign Secretary. Specifically, his main concern was Article 5, Paragraph 6 of the VFA which clearly states: "The custody of any United States personnel over whom the Philippines is to exercise jurisdiction shall immediately reside with United States military authorities, if they so request, from the commission of the offense until completion of all judicial proceedings." As a lawyer, Tito Guingona immediately saw that a criminal case committed within Philippine shores should automatically give custody of suspects to the local courts. But the VFA obviously gave the Americans a lot of leeway, "if they so request." Today, he was proven right. It is now the bone of contention surrounding the VFA.
In 1998, when the VFA was being pushed by then US Ambassador Thomas Hubbard, President Joseph Estrada was eager to have it ratified by the Senate. If one could recall, he was one of those who voted against the retention of the bases in 1991. But this time, he felt that we needed the Americans more in our external security and in modernizing our armed forces. Erap used all his political capital with the Senate then and got a majority of the Senators to pass the VFA. One of his point men was Frank Drilon, who pushed hard for the VFA together with the late Senate President Marcelo Fernan. Ironically today, Drilon is very much against the VFA. The others who voted for it were Blas Ople, Rodolfo Biazon, Kit Tatad, Ramon Magsaysay Jr., Robert Jaworski, John Osmeña, Juan Flavier, Juan Ponce Enrile, Tito Sotto, Ramon Revilla, Tessie Aquino-Oreta, Robert Barbers, Rene Cayetano, Nikki Coseteng and Gringo Honasan. Another one who is so vocal today in scrapping the VFA is Miriam Defensor-Santiago, who also voted to pass the VFA.
Those who rejected it outright were Tito Guingona, Raul Roco, Serge Osmeña, and Nene Pimentel, together with Loren Legarda who totally refused because she believed the sovereignty of the Philippines was at stake. As a matter of fact, former President Estrada tried to use her husband Tony Leviste to influence Loren Legarda to change her position. But she adamantly refused, allegedly making Tony Leviste cry on the shoulders of one of Erap’s classmates saying, "What will happen to my deal with the President?"
So now, who is to blame for this whole custody issue? Perhaps the real solution would be to follow the interpretation of former VFA Commission executive director Amado Valdez on Article 5, Paragraph 6, that the warrant of arrest would be served, the accused would be arraigned, and then they would be remanded in the custody of American military authorities.
The terms also called for a one-year period by which the case should be finished, otherwise the custody issue becomes even more difficult, giving the US no obligation to produce the accused for trials and investigations. The American soldiers can go back to wherever they’re supposed to be serving. The US refuses to be a signatory to the International Criminal Court (ICC) because it could pave the way for the filing of frivolous and politically-motivated cases fueled by anti-American sentiment. That’s how protective the US government is of their soldiers. And if the guilty verdict ever comes out in this case, we will have to try and get the US marines under other arrangements like the RP-US Extradition Treaty. But whether the US government will turn them over immediately to the Philippines is a big question.
Comparing this treaty – which by the way was not passed by the US Senate – with its counterpart VFA 2, it would seem that the terms are too one-sided. I’m sure the Philippine Embassy in Washington DC would not be able to take custody of Filipino soldiers, or any Filipino for that matter, accused of committing a crime. Federal or state courts could impose confinement of erring Filipinos in American jails. US police authorities simply have to inform the US government about any arrest or detention and it’s only then that Philippine authorities will be notified.
What Tito Guingona probably wanted to push from day one is that if there is going to be any VFA, the US troops would have to be confined to quarters. They’re not tourists in this country, they’re here to do a specific job. They’re supposed to train our soldiers during the exercises. Other than that, they must be confined to a specific area so that it will limit potential problems like what we have today. If this issue continues to become contentious, then perhaps the Senate is right in reviewing the terms of the VFA and renegotiating the treaty.
When all is said and done, Tito Guingona was right after all in being overly protective of Philippine sovereignty because as the 19th century British politician Lord Palmerston once said, "nations have no permanent friends or allies. They only have permanent interests."
The Philippine Star
When former Vice President, then Senator, Tito Guingona saw the draft of the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), he immediately rejected it saying it infringes on our sovereignty. At that time, many people thought Tito Guingona was being too nationalistic and too anti-American. In fact, when he was concurrent Secretary of Foreign Affairs, he wanted to confine the American troops inside designated camps and make the rules a little more stringent. His perennial run-ins with GMA over the VFA ultimately caused their parting of ways and cost him his job as Foreign Secretary. Specifically, his main concern was Article 5, Paragraph 6 of the VFA which clearly states: "The custody of any United States personnel over whom the Philippines is to exercise jurisdiction shall immediately reside with United States military authorities, if they so request, from the commission of the offense until completion of all judicial proceedings." As a lawyer, Tito Guingona immediately saw that a criminal case committed within Philippine shores should automatically give custody of suspects to the local courts. But the VFA obviously gave the Americans a lot of leeway, "if they so request." Today, he was proven right. It is now the bone of contention surrounding the VFA.
In 1998, when the VFA was being pushed by then US Ambassador Thomas Hubbard, President Joseph Estrada was eager to have it ratified by the Senate. If one could recall, he was one of those who voted against the retention of the bases in 1991. But this time, he felt that we needed the Americans more in our external security and in modernizing our armed forces. Erap used all his political capital with the Senate then and got a majority of the Senators to pass the VFA. One of his point men was Frank Drilon, who pushed hard for the VFA together with the late Senate President Marcelo Fernan. Ironically today, Drilon is very much against the VFA. The others who voted for it were Blas Ople, Rodolfo Biazon, Kit Tatad, Ramon Magsaysay Jr., Robert Jaworski, John Osmeña, Juan Flavier, Juan Ponce Enrile, Tito Sotto, Ramon Revilla, Tessie Aquino-Oreta, Robert Barbers, Rene Cayetano, Nikki Coseteng and Gringo Honasan. Another one who is so vocal today in scrapping the VFA is Miriam Defensor-Santiago, who also voted to pass the VFA.
Those who rejected it outright were Tito Guingona, Raul Roco, Serge Osmeña, and Nene Pimentel, together with Loren Legarda who totally refused because she believed the sovereignty of the Philippines was at stake. As a matter of fact, former President Estrada tried to use her husband Tony Leviste to influence Loren Legarda to change her position. But she adamantly refused, allegedly making Tony Leviste cry on the shoulders of one of Erap’s classmates saying, "What will happen to my deal with the President?"
So now, who is to blame for this whole custody issue? Perhaps the real solution would be to follow the interpretation of former VFA Commission executive director Amado Valdez on Article 5, Paragraph 6, that the warrant of arrest would be served, the accused would be arraigned, and then they would be remanded in the custody of American military authorities.
The terms also called for a one-year period by which the case should be finished, otherwise the custody issue becomes even more difficult, giving the US no obligation to produce the accused for trials and investigations. The American soldiers can go back to wherever they’re supposed to be serving. The US refuses to be a signatory to the International Criminal Court (ICC) because it could pave the way for the filing of frivolous and politically-motivated cases fueled by anti-American sentiment. That’s how protective the US government is of their soldiers. And if the guilty verdict ever comes out in this case, we will have to try and get the US marines under other arrangements like the RP-US Extradition Treaty. But whether the US government will turn them over immediately to the Philippines is a big question.
Comparing this treaty – which by the way was not passed by the US Senate – with its counterpart VFA 2, it would seem that the terms are too one-sided. I’m sure the Philippine Embassy in Washington DC would not be able to take custody of Filipino soldiers, or any Filipino for that matter, accused of committing a crime. Federal or state courts could impose confinement of erring Filipinos in American jails. US police authorities simply have to inform the US government about any arrest or detention and it’s only then that Philippine authorities will be notified.
What Tito Guingona probably wanted to push from day one is that if there is going to be any VFA, the US troops would have to be confined to quarters. They’re not tourists in this country, they’re here to do a specific job. They’re supposed to train our soldiers during the exercises. Other than that, they must be confined to a specific area so that it will limit potential problems like what we have today. If this issue continues to become contentious, then perhaps the Senate is right in reviewing the terms of the VFA and renegotiating the treaty.
When all is said and done, Tito Guingona was right after all in being overly protective of Philippine sovereignty because as the 19th century British politician Lord Palmerston once said, "nations have no permanent friends or allies. They only have permanent interests."
US firm donates computers
BALANGA CITY: Nextream Broadband Philippines donated 10 sets of computers with flat-screen monitors to the Bataan National High School and readies 1,436 units more for staggered distribution to all towns and barangays in Bataan, the US-based firm said over the weekend.
Filipino American businessman Tyrone Javellana, Nextream executive officer, said the high-school students will now be wired to the world.
“The students will be more empowered and informed as well as connected to the Internet that is four times faster in speed compared to the present system in the market,” Javellana said.
The Peninsula Electric Cooperative will provide free Internet access to 5,637 students of the BNHS via the broadband-over-power lines technology earlier launched in the province.
“We were surprised and never expected that our school will be provided with high-tech computer system, putting the world in the finger tips of our students at no cost to the school and the parents,” the school principal, Simeona Emata, said.
--Ernie B. Esconde Manila Times
Filipino American businessman Tyrone Javellana, Nextream executive officer, said the high-school students will now be wired to the world.
“The students will be more empowered and informed as well as connected to the Internet that is four times faster in speed compared to the present system in the market,” Javellana said.
The Peninsula Electric Cooperative will provide free Internet access to 5,637 students of the BNHS via the broadband-over-power lines technology earlier launched in the province.
“We were surprised and never expected that our school will be provided with high-tech computer system, putting the world in the finger tips of our students at no cost to the school and the parents,” the school principal, Simeona Emata, said.
--Ernie B. Esconde Manila Times
Sunday, January 29, 2006
I C E in your cellphone
I C E in your cellphone
It maybe helpfull someday....
fyi
Subject: ICE in Your Cell Phone
The London bombing incident has promoted concerns and I share
with you what one of my European colleagues just sent.
As long as everyone knows what ICE stands for, it is
not a bad idea. A useful thing to add to your mobile
address book!
It was thought up by a paramedic who
found that when they went to the scenes of accidents
there were always mobile phones but they didn't know
which numbers to call and he thought that it would be
a good idea if there was a nationally recognized name
to file "next of kin" under.
Following the disaster in London . . .East Anglian
Ambulance Service have launched a national "In case of
Emergency (ICE)" campaign with the support of
Falklands war hero Simon Weston.
The idea is that you store the word " I C E " in your
mobile phone Address book, and against it enter the
number of the person you would wa nt to be contacted
"In Case of Emergency".
In an emergency situation ambulance and hospital staff
will then be able to quickly find out who your next of
kin are and be able to contact them. It's so simple
that everyone can do it. Please do.
Please will you also email this to everybody in your
address book, it won't take too many 'forwards' before
everybody will know about this. It really could save
your life, or put a loved one's mind at rest.
For more than one contact name ICE1, ICE2, ICE3 etc.
Paramedics will turn to a victim's cell phone for
clues to that person's identity. You can make their
job much easier with a simple idea that they are
trying to get everyone to adopt: ICE.
ICE stands for In Case of Emergency. If you add an
entry in the contacts list in your cell phone under
ICE, with the name and phone no. of the person that
the emergency services should call on your behalf, you
can save them a lot of time and have your loved ones
contacted quickly. It only takes a few moments of your
time to do. Paramedics know what ICE means and they
look for it immediately. ICE your cell phone NOW!
Michelangelo "Mike" Cayabyab
Open high school program eyed
TITA C. VALDERAMA, People's Journal
OUT-OF-SCHOOL youths and adults who have completed elementary education will have a chance to continue their studies towards earning a college degree through an "open high school" program that Albay Rep. Edcel Lagman is pushing for enactment.
The House committee on basic education has endorsed for plenary discussion the proposed program contained in House Bill No. 12. It was patterned after the "open university" system that was institutionalized a few years ago through legislation.
Lagman described the program as an "innovative, alternative and inexpensive" delivery of the secondary education to the masses.
"In an open high school system, the student most of the time studies independently at his
OPEN. “In an open high school system, the student most of the time studies independently at his own pace without constant or daily student-teacher interaction and at home without need of a classroom.”
own pace without constant or daily student-teacher interaction and at home without need of a classroom," he explained.
"The system utilizes print, radio, television, and computer-based communications, satellite broadcasting, teleconferencing and other multi-media learning and teaching technologies that allow students to study on their own without having to regularly attend classes in conventional classrooms," he said.
Potential beneficiaries of the program include children of high school age who are out of school because they have to stay at home during school hours to take care of their younger siblings and do household chores to allow their parents and elders to earn a living or they themselves are working in order to augment the family income; children who cannot attend classes regularly because their homes are too far from the nearest high school, youthful offenders who cannot attend conventional classes because they are detained in correctional institutions or rehabilitation centers and those whose education is hampered by armed conflicts like some areas in Mindanao and certain portions in Luzon and the Visayas.
OUT-OF-SCHOOL youths and adults who have completed elementary education will have a chance to continue their studies towards earning a college degree through an "open high school" program that Albay Rep. Edcel Lagman is pushing for enactment.
The House committee on basic education has endorsed for plenary discussion the proposed program contained in House Bill No. 12. It was patterned after the "open university" system that was institutionalized a few years ago through legislation.
Lagman described the program as an "innovative, alternative and inexpensive" delivery of the secondary education to the masses.
"In an open high school system, the student most of the time studies independently at his
OPEN. “In an open high school system, the student most of the time studies independently at his own pace without constant or daily student-teacher interaction and at home without need of a classroom.”
own pace without constant or daily student-teacher interaction and at home without need of a classroom," he explained.
"The system utilizes print, radio, television, and computer-based communications, satellite broadcasting, teleconferencing and other multi-media learning and teaching technologies that allow students to study on their own without having to regularly attend classes in conventional classrooms," he said.
Potential beneficiaries of the program include children of high school age who are out of school because they have to stay at home during school hours to take care of their younger siblings and do household chores to allow their parents and elders to earn a living or they themselves are working in order to augment the family income; children who cannot attend classes regularly because their homes are too far from the nearest high school, youthful offenders who cannot attend conventional classes because they are detained in correctional institutions or rehabilitation centers and those whose education is hampered by armed conflicts like some areas in Mindanao and certain portions in Luzon and the Visayas.
Be somebody someday
VOLUNTEERS FOR PROGRESS
Three words inspired student
to strive harder to improve
By Allan Bilog
(This series of articles about young college students with the Pathways to Higher Education program is a joint project of the Ateneo de Manila University and The Manila Times.)
“Be somebody someday.”
Michael Bagyan read those words and his life changed forever.
He still remembers that day clearly. Then only a freshman in high school, Michael was caught up in the regular routine of his daily life, burdened by the difficulties his family was going through at that time. Yet, this clichéd slogan made Michael pause and think about his circumstances. That was when he decided that he wouldn’t be limited by mediocrity. Little did he know that his decision would push him to higher things.
Even as a little boy, Michael was always resourceful. In Baguio while other children played in the park or rode horses, Michael sold plastic bags in the market to help his parents earn some money. He still found time to play, as all boys do, but he also made it a point to study hard.
Michael, now 17, is the youngest in a family of six children. During his high-school years, he consistently performed excellently at school. He managed to achieve this despite the meager income earned by his father, a tricycle driver, and 58-year-old mother, who earns additional family income raising pigs behind their house.
Immediately after high school, Michael was told by his mother not to pursue his college education, because they simply could not afford it. It would’ve been easy for Michael to accept his fate. None of his siblings had gone to college. He knew very well how poor he and his parents were. He felt it every time he reached for coins in his empty pockets. But Michael refused to accept what the dismal circumstances seemed to be forcing on him; he battled his self-doubt by holding on to his dreams.
He learned about the Pathways to Higher Education Program of Saint Louis University, Baguio. He felt it was his chance to get a scholarship for college. Then he found out that Pathways did not give scholarships and he was almost discouraged. Later he learned that the Pathways program was more than just a scholarship-giver, that it is a holistic development program aimed at forming bright but underprivileged public high-school students who deserve a good college education into Pathways volunteers and future leaders in their chosen professions.
He soon understood that in order to gain a scholarship, he would have to believe in his abilities, develop them and use them wisely. This is what Pathways did for him through its education development program, which enabled Michael to get a scholarship from the Commission on Higher Education through the Private Educational Student Financial Assistance fund.
“Pathways helped me in my application,” he said. “The program served as one of my pathways in pursuing my college education because it helped me boost my self-confidence, prepared me for college, and made me realize the vast importance of education.”
When his application for the assistance fund was granted there was great jubilation in his family.
Today, Michael is a third-year major in electronic communication engineering, still dreaming of bigger things.
“I dream of being a successful engineer who will someday create an impact for doing many beneficial things for our society,” he said. “Since childhood, I have been fond of studying phenomena, and discovering something out of them.”
Today, Michael is on his way to fulfilling his dreams. His unshakable faith in the possible rather than being deterred by the impossible is what keeps him going.
“I am tossed by the waves,” he declares, “but do not sink.”
Pathways to Higher Education has been helping young students like Michael chart their own courses for the future. With your help, more high-school and college students will have access to new experiences and opportunities that will make them better individuals and leaders. Get to know more about Pathways’ groundbreaking programs by calling 426-6001 local 4044-4049 or 920-0153 or e-mail at pathways@admu.edu.ph. You can also visit our website at www.pathwaysphilippines.org/blog and text 0920-9508171.
Three words inspired student
to strive harder to improve
By Allan Bilog
(This series of articles about young college students with the Pathways to Higher Education program is a joint project of the Ateneo de Manila University and The Manila Times.)
“Be somebody someday.”
Michael Bagyan read those words and his life changed forever.
He still remembers that day clearly. Then only a freshman in high school, Michael was caught up in the regular routine of his daily life, burdened by the difficulties his family was going through at that time. Yet, this clichéd slogan made Michael pause and think about his circumstances. That was when he decided that he wouldn’t be limited by mediocrity. Little did he know that his decision would push him to higher things.
Even as a little boy, Michael was always resourceful. In Baguio while other children played in the park or rode horses, Michael sold plastic bags in the market to help his parents earn some money. He still found time to play, as all boys do, but he also made it a point to study hard.
Michael, now 17, is the youngest in a family of six children. During his high-school years, he consistently performed excellently at school. He managed to achieve this despite the meager income earned by his father, a tricycle driver, and 58-year-old mother, who earns additional family income raising pigs behind their house.
Immediately after high school, Michael was told by his mother not to pursue his college education, because they simply could not afford it. It would’ve been easy for Michael to accept his fate. None of his siblings had gone to college. He knew very well how poor he and his parents were. He felt it every time he reached for coins in his empty pockets. But Michael refused to accept what the dismal circumstances seemed to be forcing on him; he battled his self-doubt by holding on to his dreams.
He learned about the Pathways to Higher Education Program of Saint Louis University, Baguio. He felt it was his chance to get a scholarship for college. Then he found out that Pathways did not give scholarships and he was almost discouraged. Later he learned that the Pathways program was more than just a scholarship-giver, that it is a holistic development program aimed at forming bright but underprivileged public high-school students who deserve a good college education into Pathways volunteers and future leaders in their chosen professions.
He soon understood that in order to gain a scholarship, he would have to believe in his abilities, develop them and use them wisely. This is what Pathways did for him through its education development program, which enabled Michael to get a scholarship from the Commission on Higher Education through the Private Educational Student Financial Assistance fund.
“Pathways helped me in my application,” he said. “The program served as one of my pathways in pursuing my college education because it helped me boost my self-confidence, prepared me for college, and made me realize the vast importance of education.”
When his application for the assistance fund was granted there was great jubilation in his family.
Today, Michael is a third-year major in electronic communication engineering, still dreaming of bigger things.
“I dream of being a successful engineer who will someday create an impact for doing many beneficial things for our society,” he said. “Since childhood, I have been fond of studying phenomena, and discovering something out of them.”
Today, Michael is on his way to fulfilling his dreams. His unshakable faith in the possible rather than being deterred by the impossible is what keeps him going.
“I am tossed by the waves,” he declares, “but do not sink.”
Pathways to Higher Education has been helping young students like Michael chart their own courses for the future. With your help, more high-school and college students will have access to new experiences and opportunities that will make them better individuals and leaders. Get to know more about Pathways’ groundbreaking programs by calling 426-6001 local 4044-4049 or 920-0153 or e-mail at pathways@admu.edu.ph. You can also visit our website at www.pathwaysphilippines.org/blog and text 0920-9508171.
Gov’t told: Speed up closure of 966 dumps
By Katherine Adraneda, The Philippine Star
A group advocating a zero-waste Philippines has asked the government to hasten the closure of 966 dump sites nationwide and put up recycling centers to replace them.
The Ecological Waste Coalition (EcoWaste), an alliance of groups dealing with waste and pollution issues, noted that the deadline for the legally mandated closure of open and "controlled" dumps draws near.
"Noxious gases, poisonous fumes and hazardous leachate, which put at great risk public health and environment, come from these waste dumps. Let us abide by the deadline set by Republic Act 9003," said Romy Hidalgo, coordinator of the EcoWaste task force for the closure of the dumps.
RA 9003, or the Ecological Solid Waste Management Act of 2001, prohibits the operations of open dumps for solid waste disposal and all controlled facilities five years after the enactment of the law.
The law requires the conversion of open dumps into "controlled" dumps three years after the passage of RA 9003, and the closure of these converted dumps by Feb. 16, 2006.
"Following their closure, the authorities should carry out post-closure cleanup and rehabilitation to alleviate the migration of toxic leachate and the release of greenhouse gases such as methane," said Eileen Sison, EcoWaste chairwoman.
Thus, she said the government should immediately put up a materials recovery facility (MRF) in every barangay or cluster of barangays "to replace these unsightly health-threatening (waste dumps)" and facilitate organized recycling at the community-level.
Citing data from the National Solid Waste Management Commission, EcoWaste said there are 734 open dumps and 262 "controlled" dumps across the country.
The Calabarzon area (Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Rizal and Quezon) has the most number of open dumps with 91, followed by Central Visayas (Region 7) with 89, and Central Luzon (Region 3) with 82
A group advocating a zero-waste Philippines has asked the government to hasten the closure of 966 dump sites nationwide and put up recycling centers to replace them.
The Ecological Waste Coalition (EcoWaste), an alliance of groups dealing with waste and pollution issues, noted that the deadline for the legally mandated closure of open and "controlled" dumps draws near.
"Noxious gases, poisonous fumes and hazardous leachate, which put at great risk public health and environment, come from these waste dumps. Let us abide by the deadline set by Republic Act 9003," said Romy Hidalgo, coordinator of the EcoWaste task force for the closure of the dumps.
RA 9003, or the Ecological Solid Waste Management Act of 2001, prohibits the operations of open dumps for solid waste disposal and all controlled facilities five years after the enactment of the law.
The law requires the conversion of open dumps into "controlled" dumps three years after the passage of RA 9003, and the closure of these converted dumps by Feb. 16, 2006.
"Following their closure, the authorities should carry out post-closure cleanup and rehabilitation to alleviate the migration of toxic leachate and the release of greenhouse gases such as methane," said Eileen Sison, EcoWaste chairwoman.
Thus, she said the government should immediately put up a materials recovery facility (MRF) in every barangay or cluster of barangays "to replace these unsightly health-threatening (waste dumps)" and facilitate organized recycling at the community-level.
Citing data from the National Solid Waste Management Commission, EcoWaste said there are 734 open dumps and 262 "controlled" dumps across the country.
The Calabarzon area (Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Rizal and Quezon) has the most number of open dumps with 91, followed by Central Visayas (Region 7) with 89, and Central Luzon (Region 3) with 82
Saturday, January 28, 2006
Disagreement over interpretation of 4 words in VFA
A MERE four words in the RP-US Visiting Forces Agreement spelled a "difference of opinion" between Filipino and American diplomats who deliberated on the Philippine government's request for custody of the four US Marines charged with raping a Filipino woman last Nov. 1.
The disagreement stemmed from whether the VFA provision granting US authorities custody of the accused "if they so request" was fully complied with, according to Department of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Gilberto Asuque.
"We pointed out that there should have been a formal written request first, while their (the Americans') view was that it need not be formal," Asuque disclosed yesterday at a briefing when pressed for details on how the negotiation went.
"There was a difference of opinion," he said.
According to earlier reports quoting the US Embassy's Matthew Lussenhop, American authorities made a "verbal request" to unspecified Philippine officials on the night the four servicemen were accosted at the Subic Bay free port.
Reached yesterday, Lussenhop maintained: "That evening, there were a number of officials from the US Embassy, the Philippine National Police and the SBMA (Subic Bay Metropolitan Authority). A request was made then."
The VFA provision in question is in Section 6, Article 5: "The custody of any US personnel over whom the Philippines is to exercise jurisdiction shall immediately reside with the US military authorities, if they so request, from the commission of the offense until completion of all judicial proceedings."
Ironic twist
It was the same provision the US Embassy cited on Monday when it turned down the Philippine government's Nov. 16 request to gain custody of the accused on grounds that the alleged rape was an "extraordinary case."
In an ironic twist, the Philippine government ended up being the party making a "request" for custody -- the term the DFA has been using when referring to its diplomatic note to the US mission.
On hindsight, a DFA official said the SBMA authorities should primarily be blamed for the government's loss in the two-month-long custody battle.
"Had they waited for the DFA's or the DoJ's (Department of Justice's) views on the matter, we could have denied the US request right there and then," the official, who asked not to be named, wryly noted. (INQ7)
The disagreement stemmed from whether the VFA provision granting US authorities custody of the accused "if they so request" was fully complied with, according to Department of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Gilberto Asuque.
"We pointed out that there should have been a formal written request first, while their (the Americans') view was that it need not be formal," Asuque disclosed yesterday at a briefing when pressed for details on how the negotiation went.
"There was a difference of opinion," he said.
According to earlier reports quoting the US Embassy's Matthew Lussenhop, American authorities made a "verbal request" to unspecified Philippine officials on the night the four servicemen were accosted at the Subic Bay free port.
Reached yesterday, Lussenhop maintained: "That evening, there were a number of officials from the US Embassy, the Philippine National Police and the SBMA (Subic Bay Metropolitan Authority). A request was made then."
The VFA provision in question is in Section 6, Article 5: "The custody of any US personnel over whom the Philippines is to exercise jurisdiction shall immediately reside with the US military authorities, if they so request, from the commission of the offense until completion of all judicial proceedings."
Ironic twist
It was the same provision the US Embassy cited on Monday when it turned down the Philippine government's Nov. 16 request to gain custody of the accused on grounds that the alleged rape was an "extraordinary case."
In an ironic twist, the Philippine government ended up being the party making a "request" for custody -- the term the DFA has been using when referring to its diplomatic note to the US mission.
On hindsight, a DFA official said the SBMA authorities should primarily be blamed for the government's loss in the two-month-long custody battle.
"Had they waited for the DFA's or the DoJ's (Department of Justice's) views on the matter, we could have denied the US request right there and then," the official, who asked not to be named, wryly noted. (INQ7)
Cigarette smoke called poison by California agency
Agence France-Presse
SAN FRANCISCO -- Tobacco smoke was officially designated an airborne toxin in the US state of California on Thursday.
The state Air Resources Board (ARB) listed smoke from cigarettes, cigars, and pipes as a potentially deadly "Toxic Air Contaminant."
"The ARB's action rightfully puts second-hand tobacco smoke in the same category as the most toxic automotive and industrial air pollutants," said Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment director Joan Denton.
"Californians, especially parents, would not willingly fill their homes with motor vehicle exhaust, and they should feel the same way about tobacco smoke."
The decision was based on results of a report on the health effects of exposure to second-hand smoke, according to the board.
"This new report reaffirms many of the adverse health effects associated with ETS (environmental tobacco smoke), especially in children who live in homes where smoking occurs," said board chairman Robert Sawyer.
"It also raises new concerns about its effects on women. All this strongly supported the need for the Air Board to identify ETS as a serious health threat."
Tobacco smoke contains toxic air contaminants including benzene and arsenic, according to the board.
In California each year, tobacco smoke is responsible for the release into the environment of 40 tons (36 metric tons) of nicotine, 365 tons (331 metric tons) of respirable particulate matter, and 1,900 tons (1,724 metric tons) of carbon monoxide, the board indicated.
Clear links exist between exposure to tobacco smoke and health problems including cancer, heart disease, premature births, low birth-weight babies, and Sudden Infant Death Syndrome, according to the board
SAN FRANCISCO -- Tobacco smoke was officially designated an airborne toxin in the US state of California on Thursday.
The state Air Resources Board (ARB) listed smoke from cigarettes, cigars, and pipes as a potentially deadly "Toxic Air Contaminant."
"The ARB's action rightfully puts second-hand tobacco smoke in the same category as the most toxic automotive and industrial air pollutants," said Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment director Joan Denton.
"Californians, especially parents, would not willingly fill their homes with motor vehicle exhaust, and they should feel the same way about tobacco smoke."
The decision was based on results of a report on the health effects of exposure to second-hand smoke, according to the board.
"This new report reaffirms many of the adverse health effects associated with ETS (environmental tobacco smoke), especially in children who live in homes where smoking occurs," said board chairman Robert Sawyer.
"It also raises new concerns about its effects on women. All this strongly supported the need for the Air Board to identify ETS as a serious health threat."
Tobacco smoke contains toxic air contaminants including benzene and arsenic, according to the board.
In California each year, tobacco smoke is responsible for the release into the environment of 40 tons (36 metric tons) of nicotine, 365 tons (331 metric tons) of respirable particulate matter, and 1,900 tons (1,724 metric tons) of carbon monoxide, the board indicated.
Clear links exist between exposure to tobacco smoke and health problems including cancer, heart disease, premature births, low birth-weight babies, and Sudden Infant Death Syndrome, according to the board
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